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Iran's Mohammad Mosaddegh and Georgia's Zviad Gamsakhurdia were two of the most consequential national leaders of the twentieth century. Nicolas Gorjestani examines, in two separate volumes, each leader's life story, resistance strategy, governance, reform record, and overthrow. The two books combine insightful memoir, strategic analysis, economic assessment, and historical review to weave a compelling narrative that gives the reader a front-row seat to the transformational events that unfolded in Iran in the 1950s and Georgia in the 1990s. The similarities between these two patriots are remarkable: their personal background, vision, governing philosophy, political destiny, and legacy. With courage, passion, and tenacity, they took on domestic establishment elites to fight against authoritarian or arbitrary rule. Both leaders shared a vision of a modern, democratic state, and, to that end, undertook pathbreaking political and socio-economic reforms. They also challenged the world powers to end colonial domination of Iran and Georgia and to reestablish national sovereignty. Mosaddegh (Book 1) locked horns with Winston Churchill, Harry Truman, and Dwight Eisenhower in 1951-1953 over the nationalization of Iran's oil industry, while Gamsakhurdia (Book 2) stood up to Mikhail Gorbachev and George H. W. Bush in 1990-1991 over independence from the Soviet Union. Their governance was cut short as both leaders were overthrown in similar paramilitary coups. Mosaddegh was toppled in the first post-WWII regime change organized and supported by the British MI6 and American CIA; Gamsakhurdia was deposed in the first regime change in the former Soviet space supported by the Soviet military. Nicolas Gorjestani is a former senior official of the World Bank with economic development experience spanning more than four decades in countries undergoing transformational change. The result of decades-long study and research utilizing multiple primary sources, these two books provide a unique perspective based not only on the author's professional experience but also on his intimate knowledge of both Iran and Georgia. Born in Iran of Georgian heritage, Gorjestani has maintained cultural links with both countries, and followed their political economy for more than half a century. He lives in Washington, D.C.
Georgia's Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Iran's Mohammad Mosaddegh were two of the most consequential national leaders of the twentieth century. Nicolas Gorjestani examines, in two separate volumes, each leader's life story, resistance strategy, governance, reform record, and overthrow. The two books combine insightful memoir, strategic analysis, economic assessment, and historical review to weave a compelling narrative that gives the reader a front-row seat to the transformational events that unfolded in Georgia in the 1990s and Iran in the 1950s. The similarities between these two patriots are remarkable: their personal background, vision, governing philosophy, political destiny, and legacy. With courage, passion, and tenacity, they took on domestic establishment elites to fight against authoritarian or arbitrary rule. Both leaders shared a vision of a modern, democratic state, and, to that end, undertook pathbreaking political and socio-economic reforms. They also challenged the world powers to end colonial domination of Iran and Georgia and to reestablish national sovereignty. Gamsakhurdia (Book 2) stood up to Mikhail Gorbachev and George H. W. Bush in 1990-1991 over independence from the Soviet Union, while Mosaddegh (Book 1) locked horns with Winston Churchill, Harry Truman, and Dwight Eisenhower in 1951-1953 over the nationalization of Iran's oil industry. Their governance was cut short as both leaders were overthrown in similar paramilitary coups. Gamsakhurdia was deposed in the first regime change in the former Soviet space supported by the Soviet military; Mosaddegh was toppled in the first post-WWII regime change organized and supported by the British MI6 and American CIA. Nicolas Gorjestani is a former senior official of the World Bank with economic development experience spanning more than four decades in countries undergoing transformational change. The result of decades-long study and research utilizing multiple primary sources, these two books provide a unique perspective based not only on the author's professional experience but also on his intimate knowledge of both Iran and Georgia. Born in Iran of Georgian heritage, Gorjestani has maintained cultural links with both countries, and followed their political economy for more than half a century. He lives in Washington, D.C.
Jahan Khatun was a fourteenth-century Persian princess who lived through tumultuous political upheavals: her father was murdered when she was a teenager, eleven years later her family's dynasty was overthrown and all her male relatives were killed, and once her family had lost all their political power she suffered imprisonment and exile. Despite all this her poems give us a charming portrait of someone eagerly grasping for whatever pleasures she could salvage from life. Only one thing seems to have defeated her apparently indomitable spirit, the death of her infant daughter Soltan Bakht. She mentions her family's and her own political setbacks in her poems, but not often and only briefly; for her daughter though she wrote twenty three heartfelt, despairing elegies, and it is clear that the death of her young child was the one disaster in her life that she found impossible to deal with. This little book contains verse translations of all twenty three elegies, rendered into English for the first time.
The hinterland of Bushehr on the Persian Gulf-Tangestan, Borazjan, Dashti, and other districts-was populated by a disparate and poor people, who were at constant war with each other. It was not only neighbors who fought and preyed on each other, but also close family members, and even fathers and sons. The traditional chiefs were heavily engaged in smuggling, in rustling cattle and sheep, in raiding villages and caravans, and in land grabs. They opposed any interference with their traditional authority and way of life, whether it was by the central or local government or a neighbor. They were not concerned that their peasants were oppressed, but rather that it was government officials who oppressed them, leaving fewer pickings for the chiefs. If they saw an advantage in collaborating with the government they did so, in particular when that was harmful to their neighbors, with whom they often had a blood feud. The rule of the game was that everything could and should be sacrificed for personal gain. The cost to others be damned. After a modernizing government was established in Iran in 1921, it wanted to impose law and order, and bring to heel chiefs, who had been unruly for centuries and only paid taxes under threat of arms. As of 1925, a disarmament campaign tried to collect arms during the winter months and impose the rule of law. Although in 1931 many chiefs were arrested and banished to other parts of Iran, the petty chiefs and rebel bandits resisted at every occasion. To counter the growing anarchy, in 1941 the military allowed all banished chiefs to return to their traditional districts and tried to use them to keep law and order. The returned chiefs then used the army to bolster their own position vis a vis their rivals and to weaken the measure of control that the central government had over their area. Despite the disarmament and pacification drives that the army engaged in, by mid-1940, the Tangestanis, Dashtis and Dashtestanis were still a source of trouble. Nevertheless, the military operations had left their mark on the area, for by 1950, the chiefs in the three regions, although not lacking in influence, were merely landowners. The Rebel Bandits of Tangestan is a deep dive into early-twentieth century history of an oft-neglected region of Iran and the Persian Gulf. It is a fascinating and well-researched account that reveals unknown details that will be rewarding to scholars and general readers alike.
Essays on the plague and cholera in Iran. As well as quarantine, influenza, medical infrastructure, geophagy, and early steps toward veterinary medicine in Iran.
Muscat, the capital city of present day Oman, has had a long, and colorful history as a typical Indian Ocean port at the mouth of the Persian Gulf. International trade brought about a rich mix of various ethnic and religious groups including, besides Arabs, Africans, Baluchis, Mekranis, Sindis, Gujaratis, Persians and many others. At the turn of the twentieth century fourteen languages could be heard spoken in the city. In this book, Willem Floor marshals a wealth of historical documents and challenges some of the heretofore accepted wisdom about the city. Those interested in the socio-economic and medical history of the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf will find here a rich banquet of information.
Salar al-Dowleh, the madcap prince and serial rebel, was a reflection of the unsettled political times during the early 1900s when Iranian society was trying to find its way toward a more democratic society. This is also clear from Salar al-Dowleh's "career." He was first courted by the democrats, when they ditched him, he tried to court them but when his nephew was enthroned instead of him, he joined the reactionary forces. As a serial rebel Salar al-Dowleh was a failure, because he did not have a program (apart from killing and plundering) that supporters could believe in. In fact, his rebellions had no other cause than himself. Salar al-Dowleh told each audience what it wanted to hear. He passed himself off as a constitutionalist, a nationalist, an anti-Russian, a pro-Russian, an anti-British, a pro-British, an Islamist, and anything else. He was an uncaring and rapacious governor and a murderous, destructive, plundering rebel, who did not care about the harm and misery he inflicted on his country and his countrymen. After his final ouster from Iran in 1913, driven by financial need, Salar al-Dowleh again tried to play a role in Iranian politics in 1914, 1918, 1924, 1925 and 1926. He was not successful in any of these and was finally exiled by the British to Haifa (1927-1936). When his Iranian pension was stopped, he moved to Alexandria (1936-1959), where he died, a forgotten man. For those interested in Iranian history, the rebellions started by the prince are as important to study as the political debates in the Majles--they both arose from the same unresolved dynastic, political, social, and economic conflicts in Iranian society during that turbulent period.
To the task of chronicling the waning years of Persia's Qajar court, Dust-Ali Khan "Mo`ayyer al-Mamalek" (1876-1966) brought matchless gifts. On his mother's side, he was the grandson of Naser al-Din Shah, ruler of Qajar Iran from 1848 to 1896; on his father's side, he was the descendant of a family of assayers and masters of the royal mint with roots in the Safavid era (1501-1736). He was also a painter and writer with a keen eye for atmosphere and detail. Throughout his long life, he kept journals of the rarefied and sometimes turbulent world in which he moved. Some of those records were incorporated by him into autobiography or descriptions of his grandfather's court-its modes of governance, festivals, royal hunts, palaces and gardens, life in the harem, and much more. The Artist and the Shah is the product of a seven-year labor of love by Manoutchehr Eskandari-Qajar, a dedicated historian of the Qajar era, to not only translate two of Dust-Ali Khan's memoirs but also to gather together 280 photographs from public archives and private collections. Most of the photographs are presented here for the first time in their proper context. Illuminated with the words of Dust-Ali Khan, they provide a uniquely intimate view of an era now long vanished.
Offers a memoir of revolution and exile. This book is not only the odyssey of one intellectual doomed to exile, but also a message of hope and salvation for the increasing number of people forced to leave their homeland and settle in America.