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This volume relies on the natural chronology of historical events to organize and narrate the story as the nation's leaders saw it. Using this narrative approach, the tangled and often confusing nature of foreign affairs is uncovered without the illusion that in the past, American foreign relations took place in a well-ordered fashion. From this history, students will understand the plight of present-day policymakers who encounter an array of problems that are rarely susceptible to simple analysis and ready solution.
In an attempt to explain the seemingly a priori antagonisms of the Soviet Union and the United States during the Cold War, Natural Enemies stands apart from previous literature on the topic. Looking at modern European history and the rise of the United States as a super-power, Robert C. Grogin contends that the Cold War eventually arose out of the clash of two ideologically motivated political systems. Grogin helps us see how the conflict between an American, Wilsonian-inspired politics and Soviet Leninist ideology developed into a gulf that was bound to be antagonistic from the start. The various postwar crises and failed attempts at detente frame this struggle, as Grogin charts the geopolitical trajectory of the conflict until its final dissolution. With an eye toward understanding the impact of this period on subsequent world events, Natural Enemies presents an integrated and original interpretation of Cold War history.
The Soviet Union would abandon its communist principles, Khrushchev once boasted, only 'when shrimps learnt to whistle'. Now that Gorbachev has taught his shrimps to whistle, can Western politicians cope with the challenges of a wholly unchartered new world? All the major institutions of the post-war scene - NATO, the European Community, the United Nations - have been turned upside down. The stock-market crash of 'Black October' 1987 revealed the desperate instabilities of the global financial system. In this maze of intricate new problems and opportunities Denis Healey speaks with unique authority. A major political journalist in the late 1940s and 1950s, a leading player on the world stage for a quarter-century, he is now far and away the most distinguished Opposition commentator on foreign affairs. His hugely successful The Time of My Life - 'the best political autobiography since Rab Butler's eighteen years ago' (Roy Jenkins, Observer) - was widely acclaimed as a masterpiece. Taking up the most powerful political themes that emerge from it Denis Healey now gives us this stimulating companion volume. In an added new chapter he looks at the wider implications of the Gulf War, the unification of East and West Germany, and the continuing unrest in Eastern Europe. In When Shrimps Learn to Whistle he offers a typically trenchant set of 'signposts' to help us all face the key international issues of the 1990s. 'Forty-three years of ruminations ... by the greatest foreign secretary (as the author quietly and reasonably implies) we never had' - Ben Pimlott in the New Statesman & Society
“A tour de force in the way it embraces and weaves together the political, economic and military factors”—B. H. Liddell Hart “A work which sums up succinctly the learning of a life-time.”—New Statesman The Conduct of War, 1789-1961, which was originally published in 1961, is a study of the way in which political and economic changes since the French Revolution have altered both the techniques and the aims of war. The author begins by studying the limited wars that were possible in the age of absolute rulers, and the destructive impact of revolutionary and democratic government on this state of affairs. Not only did the new armies of the Napoleonic age grow immensely in size and military power: the aims for which the war was fought began to change. Now it is no longer a question of forcing the enemy government to change its policy in specific ways: the purpose is the destruction of that government and the absolute surrender of its people. Such a concept of war, the author contends, is a disastrous return to barbarism, and in this book he considers his study in the light of post-war events with Communist countries.
By every known academic measurement, government-subsidized, secular, compulsory education is a massive failure and getting worse. Yet the American public continues to believe that government-financed education is moral,useful, and basically a great economic bargain.
Going beyond superficial comparisons of Kissinger and Brzezinski, this study, by comparing their views on world politics and on strategy and tactics for achieving national goals and examining the consistency of their beliefs and actions while in and out of office, finds that, despite Brzezinski's attacks on Kissinger, he shared many of his views and copied many of his actions while in office and that their policy-making behaviour was, indeed, strongly influenced by their shared beliefs.
American Dream or American Nightmare? Norman Spinrad describes The Star-Spangled Future: "America is something new under the sun. not so much a nation at all as a precog flash of the future of the species . . . I wrote believing that I was simply writing disconnected science fiction stories from whatever came into my head . . . And they all turned out to be about America, the leading edge of all possible futures unfolding around us . . . After all, that was what was coming into my head, that's the mother lode of science fiction realities - the American fusion plasma of which we are creatures - and all we have to do is keep ourselves open to it . . . that's my definition of science fiction. We have seen the future and it is us."
The past half-century has seen many hopes raised and some dashed, a succession of fears and false alarms, and both triumphs and calamities that were almost entirely unexpected. This work offers a short but sweeping history of world politics since 1945: America's postwar pre-eminence and the hopes that attended the creation of the United Nations; the Cold War and the emergence of a volatile Third World; economic transformations and the twin threat of nuclear and ecological disaster; the crumbling of the Soviet system and the short-lived promise of a peaceful, prosperous and democratic new world. The author describes these momentous changes concisely in an effort to show how we got here from there and what we might have learned along the way.
During the Cold War, freedom of expression was vaunted as liberal democracy's most cherished possession—but such freedom was put in service of a hidden agenda. In The Cultural Cold War, Frances Stonor Saunders reveals the extraordinary efforts of a secret campaign in which some of the most vocal exponents of intellectual freedom in the West were working for or subsidized by the CIA—whether they knew it or not. Called "the most comprehensive account yet of the [CIA's] activities between 1947 and 1967" by the New York Times, the book presents shocking evidence of the CIA's undercover program of cultural interventions in Western Europe and at home, drawing together declassified documents and exclusive interviews to expose the CIA's astonishing campaign to deploy the likes of Hannah Arendt, Isaiah Berlin, Leonard Bernstein, Robert Lowell, George Orwell, and Jackson Pollock as weapons in the Cold War. Translated into ten languages, this classic work—now with a new preface by the author—is "a real contribution to popular understanding of the postwar period" (The Wall Street Journal), and its story of covert cultural efforts to win hearts and minds continues to be relevant today.