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In 1974, the Board of Education in Kanawha County West Virginia introduced a set of new textbooks into the standard curriculum. These textbooks contained offensive language, compared Bible stories to well-known myths and fables, and also, in the opinion of some citizens, lacked the basic ideals of right and wrong. War in Kanawha County: School Textbook Protest in West Virginia in 1974, written by localbusinessman-turned-activist Donald Means, details the most important incidents surrounding the protest of the controversial textbooks in Kanawha County. This was not a war fought by armies, but by familiesfamilies adamant that their children not be subjected to such offensive materials. The controversies surrounding this war pitted conservatives against liberals in a way the nation had not experienced since the days of the Boston Tea Party. This conflict caught the interest of people across the country, and even those in foreign countries. Though the war has long since ended in Kanawha County, the controversial curriculum continues to cause conflict across the country today.
The Battle of Charleston (West Virginia), fought September 13, 1862, between the Confederate forces of Gen. William Wing Loring and the Federal command of Col. Joseph Andrew Jackson Lightburn, pales in comparison to many of the more well-known and documented engagements of the American Civil War. Yet the battle and the activities comprising the 1862 Kanawha Valley Campaign, particularly Lightburn's subsequent retreat, beginning at Fayetteville and ending at Point Pleasant, were of much more strategic importance than readily meets the eye and held special meaning for many of its participants.One such individual was Sgt. Joseph Pearson, Company F, 44th Ohio Volunteer Infantry, who wrote about the battle of Charleston in his journal, "We had several killed and wounded in this affair, but it was only a skirmish to what we afterwards learned of war. Yet I was more impressed with the dread[ful] feeling of that little action than all the others I was in to the finish."The 1862 Kanawha Valley Campaign has long been neglected by scholars, probably due to the great national attention placed on the Battle of Antietam and the Maryland Campaign, which took place during this same time period. Owing to the meticulous work of author/historian Terry Lowry, it has finally been given its due.
In Reading Appalachia from Left to Right, Carol Mason examines the legacies of a pivotal 1974 curriculum dispute in West Virginia that heralded the rightward shift in American culture and politics. At a time when black nationalists and white conservatives were both maligned as extremists for opposing education reform, the wife of a fundamentalist preacher who objected to new language-arts textbooks featuring multiracial literature sparked the yearlong conflict. It was the most violent textbook battle in America, inspiring mass marches, rallies by white supremacists, boycotts by parents, and strikes by coal miners. Schools were closed several times due to arson and dynamite while national and international news teams descended on Charleston.A native of Kanawha County, Mason infuses local insight into this study of historically left-leaning protesters ushering in cultural conservatism. Exploring how reports of the conflict as a hillbilly feud affected all involved, she draws on substantial archival research and interviews with Klansmen, evangelicals, miners, bombers, and businessmen, a who, like herself, were residents of Kanawha County during the dispute. Mason investigates vulgar accusations of racism that precluded a richer understanding of how ethnicity, race, class, and gender blended together as white protesters set out to protect "our children's souls."In the process, she demonstrates how the significance of the controversy goes well beyond resistance to social change on the part of Christian fundamentalists or a cultural clash between elite educators and working-class citizens. The alliances, tactics, and political discourses that emerged in the Kanawha Valley in 1974 crossed traditional lines, inspiring innovations in neo-Nazi organizing, propelling Christian conservatism into the limelight, and providing models for women of the New Right.
The early morning hours of May 23, 1862 brought the horror of war to the residents of the small, mountain town of Lewisburg, Virginia (now West Virginia). A brigade of Union troops, commanded by Colonel George Crook, had occupied the heavily Confederate leaning town less than two weeks earlier. Now, Lewisburg felt the fury of a battle waged in her streets. Bullets flew in every direction. Cannon balls whistled overhead and occasionally struck the homes and other buildings of the town. Confederate soldiers, some of whom grew up in Lewisburg, fought and died in their hometown. A few hours later, 240 Confederates were killed, wounded, or taken prisoner. The victorious Union troops suffered the loss of 93 men killed, wounded, and captured. Confederate Brigadier General Henry Heth, with a superior force, now found himself forced to retreat in complete disarray. Colonel George Crook would soon be promoted to brigadier general, largely because of his conduct at Lewisburg. This carefully researched book by historian and author Richard L. Armstrong contains 248 pages, 34 images, and 13 maps (including a detailed map of the town the day after the battle by Captain Hiram F. Devol of the 36th Ohio Infantry). The cover features the beautiful painting of Lewisburg in the 1850s by renowned landscape artist Edward Beyer. Lewisburg, now a part of the state of West Virginia, is the county seat of Greenbrier County, and is named for Revolutionary War period General Andrew Lewis. A previous winner of the “Coolest Small Towns in America” award, the town offers many quaint shops, restaurants, galleries, and other attractions. Walking tour brochures, including one focused on the Battle of Lewisburg, are available at the Greenbrier Valley Visitors Center, located downtown on the corner of Washington and Court Streets.
Savage and Ayers offer a narrative history of the strike that weaves together threads about organizer Mother Jones, The United Mine Workers union, politicians, coal companies, and Baldwin-Felts detective agency guards with the experiences of everyday men and women.
The Revolutionary War soldiers identified in this work lived at one time or another in what is now the State of West Virginia, their military duties having been discharged in the service of other states, notably Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland. The data given for each soldier typically includes the name, age, date of birth, service record, date pension applied for and granted, place of residence, names of wife and children, and, in support of the pension claim, comrades-in-arms.
The Battle at Hurricane Bridge is an often overlooked Civil War action occurring at the small and otherwise quiet western Virginia village. For five hours behind the limited protection of an unfinished earthen fort, the green Union troops of the 13th West Virginia Volunteer Infantry under the command of Captain James Johnson, fought to hold off the hardened Confederate veterans of the 8th and 16th Virginia Cavalry commanded by Brigadier General Albert Gallatin Jenkins.Ultimately, the March 28, 1863, battle at Hurricane Bridge directly contributed to the Union army maintaining control of the James River & Kanawha Turnpike, a key supply line, and enabled Federal control of the Kanawha Valley for the remainder of the war.
This book covers the period before, during, and after the Civil War in the Great Kanawha Valley from Gauley Bridge to Point Pleasant, WV. The title "Bullets and Steel" comes from a song sung by the Sandy Rangers of Wayne County during the Battle pf Scary Creek. Gauley Bridge, at the foot of the imposing mountain barrier to the east and the river valley to the west, was a focal point of the conflict. Roads traversed the town both north to south and from east to west. Charleston and the salt works were east on the James River and Kanawha Turnpike, and were important military objectives in the control of the entire valley. The salt works figured prominently in the strategies of both armies for the first two years of the war. This is not a definitive look at the history of every event in the valley during the war. Instead, it is an excellent overview of the main actions using as many first-person accounts as possible, as well as photos and drawings to enhance the story. When the question is asked: "Did Charleston sympathize with the North or the South in the Civil War?"; the answer cannot come until we state which Charleston--the Charleston of 1861 or the Charleston of 1865. In the summer of 1861 Charleston was mostly loyal to Virginia and the Confederacy. The people of Charleston knew of the great Confederate victory at First Bull Run and it seemed clear the South would win the war. By 1862 it was less clear and by July 1863, after Gettysburg, it seemed the South was doomed. Human nature being what it is, we can safely say that enthusiasm for the Confederacy ebbed and flowed as battles were won or lost. As late as the fall of 1862 the people of Charleston clung to the hope of final victory. This hope was strengthened on Sept. 13, 1862, when the hometown boys of the 22nd Virginia drove the Yankees headlong in retreat back to Ohio. Spirits must have fallen only a month later when the Confederate army abandoned Charleston for the last time. To add to the demoralization of the local population was the grim day-to-day life under military occupation. In July 1863 it is not hard to imagine the despair of most Charleston residents as news spread that General Lee was defeated and retreating from Gettysburg. By 1864 most citizens were worn out and broken by the war. The brave resolve of 1861 gave way to the hollow-eyed exhaustion of 1865.
In March 1913, labor agitator Mary Harris "Mother" Jones and forty-seven other civilians were tried by a military court on charges of murder and conspiracy to murder—charges stemming from violence that erupted during the long coal miners' strike in the Paint Creek and Cabin Creek areas of Kanawha County, West Virginia. Immediately after the trial, some of the convicted defendants received conditional pardons, but Mother Jones and eleven others remained in custody until early May. This arrest and conviction came in the latter years of Mother Jones's long career as a labor agitator. Eighty-one and feisty as ever, she was able to focus national attention on the miners' cause and on the governor's tactics for handling the dispute. Over the course of seven months, more than two hundred civilians were tried by courts-martial. Only during the Civil War and Reconstruction had the courts been used so extensively against private citizens, and the trial raised a number of civil rights issues. The national outcry over Mother Jones's imprisonment led the United States Senate to appoint a subcommittee to examine mining conditions in West Virginia—the first Senate subcommittee ever appointed to investigate a labor controversy. Public sentiment eventually forced a release of the prisoners and brought about a settlement of the strike. In the face of this overwhelmingly adverse publicity, the governor suppressed publication of the trial transcript, and it was long thought to have been destroyed. Edward M. Steel Jr., an authority on Mother Jones, uncovered the trial proceedings while searching for Jones's manuscripts amid private papers at the West Virginia and Regional Collection. This volume makes available for the first time the transcript of this landmark case in labor and legal history, including an introduction that provides background on the issues involved.