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A report by the Dept. of Defense¿s Command and Control Research Program. Contents: (1) Complexity in Natural and Economic Systems; (2) Concepts for Warfare from Complexity Theory; (3) Evidence for Complex Emergent Behavior in Historical Data; (4) Mathematical Modeling of Complexity, Knowledge, and Conflict; (5) An Extended Example of the Dynamics of Local Collaboration and Clustering, and Some Final Thoughts. Appendix: Optimal Control with a Unique Control Solution. Tables and figures.
Distributed Networked Operations describes a refinement of what popularly has been called "network centric operations." Distributed networked operations envision combat conducted by large numbers of diverse, small units-rather than by small numbers of generally homogenous, large units. In theory and to a significant extent in practice in Afghanistan and Iraq, distributed networked operations involve a mixed bag of naval, ground and air units, none of which is individually as powerful as a fleet, air wing or armored division. Author Jeff Cares discusses distributed networked operations from the perspective of adaptive control theory and details implications for force structure, hardware employment, and networked competition. Jeff presents a formal model of Information Age combat and explores the civilian business applications of the theory.
This book interrogates the philosophical backdrop of Clausewitzian notions of war, and asks whether modern, network-centric militaries can still be said to serve the 'political'. In light of the emerging theories and doctrines of Network-Centric War (NCW), this book traces the philosophical backdrop against which the more common theorizations of war and its conduct take place. Tracing the historical and philosophical roots of modern war from the 17th Century through to the present day, this book reveals that far from paralyzing the project of re-problematisating war, the emergence of NCW affords us an opportunity to rethink war in new and philosophically challenging ways. This book will be of much interest to students of critical security studies, social theory, war studies and political theory/IR. Manabrata Guha is Assistant Professor (ISSSP) at the National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore, India.
The 4th FTRA International Conference on Computer Science and its Applications (CSA-12) will be held in Jeju, Korea on November 22~25, 2012. CSA-12 will be the most comprehensive conference focused on the various aspects of advances in computer science and its applications. CSA-12 will provide an opportunity for academic and industry professionals to discuss the latest issues and progress in the area of CSA. In addition, the conference will publish high quality papers which are closely related to the various theories and practical applications in CSA. Furthermore, we expect that the conference and its publications will be a trigger for further related research and technology improvements in this important subject. CSA-12 is the next event in a series of highly successful International Conference on Computer Science and its Applications, previously held as CSA-11 (3rd Edition: Jeju, December, 2011), CSA-09 (2nd Edition: Jeju, December, 2009), and CSA-08 (1st Edition: Australia, October, 2008).
This book aims to explain air power to both military and civilian audiences in an accessible manner, approaching the topic in a balanced and systematic way. The past 100 years illustrates that air power is an inevitable feature of any type of modern warfare. It has a key role to play in any of the three main operational environments: conventional (inter-state) wars, peace-support operations, and counterinsurgencies. This book examines the strengths and challenges of using air power in these situations, and each type of operation is explained using modern and historical examples, with an emphasis on the relevant lessons for the contemporary and future use of air power. The book also looks into the complexity of media coverage of air warfare and changes in the public perception of air power in recent years. The specifics of structuring national air forces is also discussed, along with the future of air power based on current trends. One of the enduring themes in the book is the necessity of inter-service and cross-domain integration, emphasizing the increasingly important role of cyber and space domains in the future of network-centric warfare. This book will be essential reading for students of air power and air warfare, and recommended reading for students of international security, strategic studies, defence studies, and foreign policy.
For decades, navies have been major sponsors of space developments for the purposes of secure communications and precise navigation: without satellite navigation a submarine-based deterrent force would have been impossible, and the accuracy of the Tomahawk cruise missile in the Gulf War was entirely dependent on such technology. This book chronicles these developments, describing the systems themselves and concluding with an analysis of future possibilities.
"Understanding Command and Control is the first in a new series of CCRP Publications that will explore the future of Command and Control ... This book begins at the beginning: focusing on the problem(s) Command and Control was designed (and has evolved) to solve. It is only by changing the focus from what Command and Control is to why Command and Control is that we will place ourselves in a position to move on"--Preface.
Both Henry Kissinger and Robert Art make it clear that the identification of national interests is crucial for the development of policy and strategy. Interests are essential to establishing the objectives or ends that serve as the goals for policy and strategy. "Interests are the foundation and starting point for policy prescriptions." They help answer questions concerning why a policy is important.4 National interests also help to determine the types and amounts of the national power employed as the means to implement a designated policy or strategy. The concept of interest is not new to the 21st century international system. It has always been a fundamental consideration of every actor in the system. Despite what many academics have maintained, national interests are not only a factor for nation-states. All actors in the international system possess interests. Using Barry Buzan, Ole Weaver, and Jaap de Wilde's units of analysis, the need to have interests is equally applicable to international subsystems (groups or units that can be distinguished from the overall system by the nature or intensity of their interactions with or independence on each other) like the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, individual units (actors consisting of various subgroups, orga¬nizations, and communities) such as nations of people that transcend state boundaries and multi¬national corporations, subunits (organized groups of individuals within units that are able or try to affect the behavior of the unit as a whole) like bureaucracies and lobbies, and finally, individuals that all possess separate personal interests as they participate in the overall system.5 Some academ¬ics choose to distinguish between national interests (interests involved in the external relations of the actor) and public interests (interests related within the boundaries of the actor).6 For purposes of this essay, given the closing gap between the influence of external and internal issues in the 21st century international system brought about by the associated components of a rapidly globalized world, there will be no distinction made between external and internal interests. In effect, they all fall under the concept of the national interest. There is a generally accepted consensus among academics that interests are designed to be of value to the entity or actor responsible for determining the interest for itself. This could include 4 those interests that are intended to be "a standard of conduct or a state of affairs worthy of achieve¬ment by virtue of its universal moral value."7 However, there is less agreement over the question of whether all nation-state interests are enduring, politically bi-partisan, permanent conditions that represent core interests that transcend changes in government,8 in contrast to those interests that may be altered over time and or respond to change in the international system.