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The purpose of these volumes is to examine, explain and appraise contributions made by the United Nations system to international law and the law-creating process. The work assesses the effect UN institutions have had on the law-making process, and the extent to which that law has been accepted by and evidenced in contemporary state practice. It is divided into three main parts. The first examines the practical as well as conceptual aspects of the UN system as a source of law. The second part deals with different fields of activity which have become the subjects of legal rules and processes. Areas covered include human rights, use of force and economic relations. In addition, topics that have not previously been examined in such a comprehensive manner, such as shipping, aviation, and private international law, are also discussed. The third part covers the internal law of the UN system - international civil services and financial contributions.
Why have states returned to the United Nations with unprecedented enthusiasm since 1987? What is its role in 'peacemaking'? Does it have any relevance to what is probably still the most dangerous and intractable of all 'regional conflicts', that between the Arabs and the Israelis? By examining changes at UN headquarters (not least the institutionalization of 'secret diplomacy' in the Security Council) as well as the recent history of UN diplomacy, these are the questions which this book confronts.
The United Nations faced unprecedented opportunities and heightened expectations when the Cold War ended in 1990. By the time of the UN's fiftieth anniversary in 1995, the mood had shifted. Peacekeepers were bogged down in Bosnia and Somalia. Iraq continued to test the UN's resolve to enforce arms control inspections. In much of the world, the gap between haves and have-nots was increasing. Everyone agreed that UN reform was needed, yet the political will to effect change was absent. With unmet challenges throughout the world, the limits to UN power and effectiveness were being realized. From regional conflicts to areas of environmental degradation and human rights abuses, the UN's success depends more than ever on the way in which three dilemmas are resolved–the tensions between sovereignty and the reality of its erosion, between demands for global governance and the weakness of UN institutions (as well as the reluctance of states to commit), and between the need for leadership and the diffusion of power. In this second edition, the authors have undertaken major revisions along with thorough updating. They explore the three dilemmas in the context of the UN's evolving role in world politics, including its experience in maintaining peace and promoting development, environmental sustainability, and human rights–the focus of an entirely new chapter. They also consider the role of various actors in the UN system, from major powers (especially the United States), small and middle powers, coalitions, and nongovernmental organizations to the secretaries-general. The need for institutional reforms and specific proposals for reform are examined. Because multilateral diplomacy is now the norm rather than the exception in world politics, the UN's effectiveness has been challenged by the new demands of the post–Cold War era. This completely revised and updated text places the UN at the center of a set of core dilemmas in world politics and provides a series of case studies that probe the politics and processes of UN action.
This work, as its title suggests, is a testament to the fact that economic sanctions are effective instruments of change in South Africa. George W. Shepherd, Jr. and the other contributing writers provide us with a glimpse inside South Africa, as well as a reflection of the emerging humanitarian global system. Shepherd and the others demonstrate, both theoretically and empirically, important lessons in the use and effectiveness of international and nongovernmental economic sanctions in influencing the internal affairs of other nations in order to limit human rights violations. After an introductory chapter on effective sanctions and the economic impact in South Africa, contributed chapters demonstrate that the international legal basis for racial equality in the world is not spent. Others point to the role of nongovernmental organizations in pressuring corporations and banks, the possibility of influencing ruling elites, the shift in U.S. policy to include sanctions in its anti-apartheid stance, and the replacement of Western military support of apartheid by growing international economic prohibition of new investments and limitations of trade. Most significantly, this book shows how the economy and politics of South Africa have been moved toward negotiations by both external and internal anti-apartheid pressures. This important new book concludes with a thorough bibliography and helpful indices that document the actions taken against South Africa.
In Our Right to Drugs, Szasz shows how the present drug war started at the beginning of this century, when the US government first assumed the task of protecting people from patent medicines. By the end of World War I the free market in drugs was but a dim memory. Instead of dwelling on the familiar impracticality and unfairness of drug laws, Szasz demonstrates the deleterious effects of prescription laws, which place people under lifelong medical supervision. The result is that most Americans today prefer a coercive and corrupt command drug economy to a free market in drugs.
What is the difference between a democracy imposed by foreign powers and one developed locally, albeit within a political system dominated by religion? Tawfiq Alsaif explores Iran's ever-bumpy road to democracy by analyzing the political ideologies of both the conservative and reformist trends in Iranian politics and their distance from the traditional model of liberal democracy. Iran's experiences provide readers with a better understanding of the potentials, difficulties, motives, and limits pertaining to the process of democratization in the modern Middle East. Tawfiq Alsaif studied religion in Iraq, Kuwait, and Iran. He has published books on Islam and politics in Arabic.
When the Vietnam War ended with the North Vietnamese capture of Saigon on April 30, 1975--27 months after a cease-fire had been signed in Paris--the differences between the United States and Vietnam were far from being resolved. Mutual bitterness regarding the war remained. Newly unified Vietnam wanted normalization of relations and the subsequent economic reconstruction aid promised in the Paris Peace Accords. Understandably wary of such diplomatic relations, the United States requested information regarding soldiers listed as missing in action and assistance with the repatriation of military remains. A series of misconceptions and misunderstandings as well as changes from a regional to a global U.S. foreign policy left both countries bereft of an easy solution. This book describes the negotiations during the late Ford and early Carter administrations (1975-1979) and discusses the repercussions the diplomatic stalemate had on the domestic and international politics of the United States and Vietnam, emphasizing the conflicting priorities and political goals of both countries, at home and abroad. This previously neglected period in United States-Vietnam relations deals with issues such as Hanoi's constant exultation over the victory, American denial of responsibility, the division between the presidents' public declarations and congressional policies, and both sides' use of the MIA issue. Based primarily on recently declassified documents and former U.S. official Douglas Pike's uncensored collection, the work also makes use of media press sources from America, Vietnam, Britain, France and China. Interviews with Vietnamese immigrants and former U.S. politicians provide insight unavailable in written histories. Appendices contain the February 1973 correspondence between President Nixon and the Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, six diplomatic notes from 1976, and a January 30, 1979, letter from President Carter to Chinese Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping.