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The MoD's financial settlement in the next Comprehensive Spending Review must be made in the light of the need to retain a credible deterrent capacity in the country's Armed Forces. The Committee welcomes the emphasis that the Government places on the importance of cyber defence and the commitment of resources to a new cyber strike capability. But the difficulty in identifying actors in a cyber attack makes the ability to deter that much harder. Similar questions arise in deterrence against the asymmetrical threat of terrorism as it is difficult to identify interests and groups against which a response can be legitimately targeted. The Committee is calling on the MoD to set out how it can make clear that both cyber and terrorist attack will elicit an appropriate and determined response. Looking at the nuclear deterrent, the Committee points out that the UK's ability to effect a nuclear response is not credible in dealing with all threats, and so strong conventional deterrence is also required. And given the importance of communication to the concept of deterrence, investment in diplomatic and intelligence assets must be integral to the UK's security apparatus. The Committee concludes that it would be naive to assume that a decision not to invest in the nuclear deterrent would release substantial funds for investment in other forms of security. The Committee believes that the decision on the retention of the nuclear deterrent, should be made on its own merits.
On cover and title page: House, committees of the whole House, general committees and select committees. On title page: Returns to orders of the House of Commons dated 14 May 2013 (the Chairman of Ways and Means)
The Financial Services Bill is the most important overhaul of financial regulation ever undertaken in this country. The work of the Treasury Committee and the Joint Committee has secured improvements in some areas. They have also gained a commitment from the Government to look again at the Bank of England's current antiquated corporate governance, and its accountability to Parliament. The Bank must not be permitted to carry on with an outdated Court. Instead of drafting a fresh Bill, the Government has presented Parliament with multiple amendments to the already extremely complex Financial Services and Markets Act. The proposed legislation is therefore much more complicated than it need have been. Some of the key issues and recommendations include: that, the Court of the Bank of England should be given the statutory duty to undertake retrospective reviews of the Bank's performance; that, when public funds are at risk, the Chancellor of the Exchequer should be given the general power to direct the Bank of England; whether the Treasury Committee should have a role in the appointment and dismissal of the Governor of the Bank of England; amending the Bill to make competition an objective of the Prudential Regulation Authority; examining whether there is a way of requiring the Financial Conduct Authority in legislation to publish board minutes while not setting a precedent on the degree of intervention in how boards function; amending the Bill to ensure that Parliament may request retrospective reviews of the Financial Conduct Authority's work
The Treasury should re-establish the annual Budget as the main focus of fiscal and economic policy making. The Autumn Statement is not, nor should it be, a second Budget. An additional budget can create uncertainty and carries an economic cost. Treasury and business managers also need to ensure that there is adequate Parliamentary time to allow proper scrutiny of the Finance Bill. About half of general government expenditure is to be protected from the new spending cuts but the complete protection of ring-fenced departmental budgets will be difficult to sustain while other departments are substantially affected. The Committee also intends to question the future Governor of the Bank of England, Dr Mark Carney, on possible alternatives to the inflation targeting that currently underpins the work of the Monetary Policy Committee of the Bank. The Treasury and to some extent the Bank were at fault for failing to coordinate the announcement of the Asset Purchase Facility transfer with that of the November MPC press release. It is vital that the MPC fulfils its duty to demonstrate its independence. There is concern at reports that the Funding for Lending Scheme may be biased in favouring lending for mortgages rather than lending to SMEs. The sums expected from the sale of the 4G spectrum and Swiss tax repatriation represent the majority of the additional receipts the Treasury intends to offset against the tax reductions and investment but both are uncertain. The Chancellor must also use the 2013 Budget to set out a clearer strategy for fuel duty over at least the medium term
The Treasury acts as both the finance ministry and economic ministry but it appears to neglect its role as finance ministry. Its own accounts are impenetrable and there are many instances of poor decision making by departments, which the Treasury could and should have prevented. While staff turnover fell in 2011-12, it is still very high. Furthermore, the Treasury remains committed to cutting its headcount by a third and there are still very few women at senior levels. The support provided to banks in the last crisis helped prevent the banking system from collapse. The Treasury has successfully withdrawn nearly all of the taxpayer guarantees to banks but the taxpayer still owns some £66 billion of shares in RBS and Lloyds, a sum which is yet to be recovered. The Treasury has not convinced that it understands either the risks it has taken on by indemnifying the Bank of England against losses on Quantitative Easing or the expected economic benefits. Some £375 billion has so far been injected into the economy as an 'experiment' but the Department could not explain what the effect has been on the whole economy or on different parts of society. The National Loans Guarantee Scheme achieved just 15 per cent of its intended take-up and has now been superseded by a more generous Bank of England scheme. The Treasury needs to be clear what it wants this Bank of England scheme to achieve, and how it intends to monitor it.
HMRC estimates that in 2010-11 the tax gap due to avoidance was £5 billion and that the present total tax at risk from avoidance over time is £10.2 billion. There is a proliferation of contrived schemes which exploit loopholes in legislation and abuse available tax relief schemes. Promoters are deliberately taking advantage of the time lag between the launch of a scheme and the closure of the scheme by HMRC. Promoters and providers sign up as many clients as possible before HMRC changes the law and shuts the scheme. They then move on to a new scheme and repeat the process. The complexity of tax law creates opportunities for avoidance, there is no effective deterrent, and HMRC is ineffective in challenging promoters. All too often Government introduces tax incentives to stimulate economic activity that become an opportunity for tax avoidance. Promoters collect their fees even when the schemes are found not to deliver a tax advantage and few schemes are covered by mis-selling regulations. Those who promote a tax avoidance scheme are required to notify HMRC of the scheme however, HMRC does not know how much avoidance is not disclosed but should. It is alarming that some QCs' opinions are being used by promoters as a "reasonable excuse" for non-disclosure which prevents HMRC from applying a penalty. HMRC could learn from how other countries deter and tackle tax avoidance. HMRC should also name and shame those who promote tax avoidance schemes, to harness public opinion and reduce the appetite of companies to promote or use avoidance schemes.
Written evidence is contained in Volume 2, available on the Committee website at www.parliament.uk/treascom