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To all veterans of foreign wars of the United States and especially to my comrades who served our country in Vietnam. I have been very vocal about the counterculture who opposed us in carrying out the duties of the military. This group of people withdrew from American society and repudiated traditional values such as respect for the rule of law, authority, the work ethic, marriage vows, patriotism, and Western religions. In this last war with Iraq, they reared their heads once more. They influenced our leaders to not make the big strike and instead end the war in Vietnam. To some of our comrades who suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder, vile treatment caused them to slip back into the hell they had returned from. This must not happen to our country again.
To all veterans of foreign wars of the United States and especially to my comrades who served our country in Vietnam. I have been very vocal about the counterculture who opposed us in carrying out the duties of the military. This group of people withdrew from American society and repudiated traditional values such as respect for the rule of law, authority, the work ethic, marriage vows, patriotism, and Western religions. In this last war with Iraq, they reared their heads once more. They influenced our leaders to not make the big strike and instead end the war in Vietnam. To some of our comrades who suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder, vile treatment caused them to slip back into the hell they had returned from. This must not happen to our country again.
Originally published in 1986. Political machines, and the bosses who ran them, are largely a relic of the nineteenth century. A prominent feature in nineteenth-century urban politics, political machines mobilized urban voters by providing services in exchange for voters' support of a party or candidate. Allswang examines four machines and five urban bosses over the course of a century. He argues that efforts to extract a meaningful general theory from the American experience of political machines are difficult given the particularity of each city's history. A city's composition largely determined the character of its political machines. Furthermore, while political machines are often regarded as nondemocratic and corrupt, Allswang discusses the strengths of the urban machine approach—chief among those being its ability to organize voters around specific issues.
Lengthening hours, lessening pay, no parental leave, scant job security... Never have so many workers needed so much support. Yet the very labor unions that could garner us protections and help us speak up for ourselves are growing weaker every day. In an age of rampant inequality, of increasing social protest and strikes – and when a majority of workers say they want to be union members – why does union density continue to decline? Shaun Richman offers some answers in his book, Tell the Bosses We're Coming. It’s time to bring unions back from the edge of institutional annihilation, says Richman. But that is no simple proposition. Richman explains how important it is that this book is published now, because the next few years offer a rare opportunity to undo the great damage wrought on labor by decades of corporate union-busting, if only union activists raise our ambitions. Based on deft historical research and legal analysis, as well as his own experience as a union organizing director, Richman lays out an action plan for U.S. workers in the twenty-first century by which we can internalize the concept that workers are equal human beings, entitled to health care, dignity, job security – and definitely, the right to strike. Unafraid to take on some of the labor movement’s sacred cows, this book describes what it would take – some changes that are within activists’ power and some that require meaningful legal reform – to put unions in workplaces across America. As Shaun Richman says, “I look forward to working with you.”
MERGER IN THE MAKING…? Powerful CEO Philip Ambercroft prized efficiency, order—and no temptation in the office. So when he needed a temporary assistant, he decided to hire a no-nonsense, matronly type. But then he met the most qualified candidate…. All-too-appealing Madalyn Wier had impeccable references and years of experience—and she soon had her handsome executive boss falling for her womanly charms. But Philip was determined to deny the attraction between them, especially since Madalyn was a single mother who had a daughter to consider. And the confirmed bachelor wasn't prepared to propose a marriage merger…was he?
Contains essential facts about the life, religion, literature, and art of classical antiquity.
The sudden death of Gordon W. Richards in late September 1998 brought a premature end to a legendary training career which had seen him rise from obscurity to national fame as master of his profession. Consigned to racing's scrap-heap with a broken back at the age of 29, he scraped a living as a livery stable proprietor and horse-dealer in a remote part of Northumberland until, five years later, he `discovered' Playlord and a new dawn broke. Rugged, demanding, often outspoken, sometimes ruthless but never lacking in humour, Gordon made relentless progress through the training ranks. `The Boss', as he was widely known, liked to run his stable his own way. Horses, not humans, headed the pecking order, as many famous riders and owners discovered to their cost. Few escaped unscathed, but in over 30 years he employed only six stable jockeys, and two of these, Ron Barry and Jonjo O'Neill, gained championship honours. The Boss charts the successes of the man who twice saddled more than a hundred winners in a single season and who scooped the pool in the Aintree Grand National on two occasions. This enthralling biography, written with full co-operation of Richards himself, provides a compelling insight into the forces that drove him to become one of the most respected trainers in the world.