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The history of the Mwaghavul is a long one, documented in various forms, ranging from records of administration by the colonialist, to the documentation of archaeological discoveries by white explorers and administrators, documentation and analysis of languages, oral lore and culture by linguists and the latest series of narration and documentation of various aspects of the Mwaghavul people by students and individuals. These have not been collated into a single source of information about the Mwaghavul. Information on the history of the Mwaghavul are mostly found in students thesis, dissertations and long essays on Mwaghavul origin, the Jos Museum, National Archives Kaduna (NAK), the Jos Province (Jos. Prof) archival materials and the History Department of the University of Jos and other Nigerian Universities. Providing a comprehensive history of the Mwaghavul for its future generations is the aim of this book. This is in view of the fact that most of the older publications and documented information on the Mwaghavul are out of print. In addition, the transmission of history from the elderly to the younger generation is dying out as the gap between these two is ever widening because of the rural-urban drift in the country, and the international migration of the Mwaghavul people. Primary source of information was obtained from oral traditions of the Mwaghavul people with focus group discussions conducted with elderly Mwaghavul people and opinion leaders, including visits and interviews of individuals during key Mwaghavul festivities such as Ryem-Pushit, Titdiu-Kombun, Kopshu-Mpang West, Bwanzuhum-Kerang and Wus-Panyam. Secondary data were sourced from written documents and records of colonial administration, explorers and early missionaries. Other sources of secondary data were academic write-ups on Mwaghavul students thesis in Nigerian tertiary institutions and write-ups on Mwaghavul by individuals in the society. The use of both indigenous and corrupted (by English or Hausa) names for Mwaghavul polity and places are generally adapted in this work. The Mwaghavul language is among the Afro-Asiatic languages spoken on the Jos Plateau and it belongs to the Chadic sub-family as indicated by Isichei (1982, p. 7) and Meek (1971). Although Meek places it under the Hamitic group, Ames (1983), Isichei (1982) and Danfulani (1995a, 2003) place it under the Nilo-Saharan or Afro-asiatic, under the Chadic sub unit. Professional linguists, among them, Crozier & Blench (1992), Zygmunt Frajzyngier (1991, 1993), Paul Newman (1990), Carl Hoffman (1976), Joseph Greenberg (1966), Hermann Jungraithmayr (1963/64, 1970) and Hermann Jungraithmayr and D. Ibriszimov (1994) all agree with the opinion given above when they unanimously assert that Mwaghavul as a language belongs to the Chadic branch of the Afro-Asiatic, which is elsewhere referred to such in the works of Richard Morr (1968) and Daniel N. Wambutda (1991) as Nilo Saharan. This makes the Mwaghavul and their other Chadic-speaking neighbours of the Jos Plateau and other groups scattered between the Chad-Borno basin and the Jos Plateau hills, the kinsmen of the Maguzawa or the Hausa, which constitute the single largest Chadic-speaking group in the whole world. Isichei (1982, 1983) further notes that Mwaghavul is closely related with and is mutually intelligible to Goemai, Ngas, Montol, Mupun, Mship, Chakfem, Yuom, Mushere, Kulere, Jipal, Njak and other Chadic languages spoken on the eastern part of the Jos Plateau, especially in Bokkos, Pankshin, Kanke, Mikang, Tal and Shendam Local Government Areas of Plateau State. According to proponents of the migrant view, the Chadic speakers presently found on the Jos Plateau left Borno between 1100 A.D. and 1350 A.D. They were among the pre-Kanuri inhabitants possibly associated with the So who had occupied the plains of the Chad basin. In Mwaghavul so or sokho means horse racing. The Mwaghavul are noted as horse riders and war
When scholarship presents the histories, belief systems, and ritual patterns of specific religious groups, it often privileges victorious and élite fractions of those communities to the detriment and neglect of alternative, dissonant, and resurgent voices. The contributions in this volume, which include case studies on various religious and academic contexts, illustrate the importance of listening to those alternative voices for the study of religion.
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This s an Igbo History book that has the first time told of how the people of the South East and the South South Zones are Igbo. These are the Edo, the Itsekiri, the Urhobo, the Ijaw, the Ogoni, the Ika, the Opobo, the Efik, the Anang, the Ibibio, the Ogoja the Obubra, the Owerri, the Anambra, the Udi, the Ezeagu, the Nkanu, the Nsukka, the Akpoto, the Izza the Izzi, the Ikwo, the Ngwa, the Andoni, the Ikwerre, the Ndokki and others are all Igbo. Every family in the South East and South South owe it a duty to book for copies of this book for their children at home and abroad.
Routledge is proud to be re-issuing this landmark series in association with the International African Institute. The series, published between 1950 and 1977, brings together a wealth of previously un-co-ordinated material on the ethnic groupings and social conditions of African peoples. Concise, critical and (for its time) accurate, the Ethnographic Survey contains sections as follows: Physical Environment Linguistic Data Demography History & Traditions of Origin Nomenclature Grouping Cultural Features: Religion, Witchcraft, Birth, Initiation, Burial Social & Political Organization: Kinship, Marriage, Inheritance, Slavery, Land Tenure, Warfare & Justice Economy & Trade Domestic Architecture Each of the 50 volumes will be available to buy individually, and these are organized into regional sub-groups: East Central Africa, North-Eastern Africa, Southern Africa, West Central Africa, Western Africa, and Central Africa Belgian Congo. The volumes are supplemented with maps, available to view on routledge.com or available as a pdf from the publishers.
Most African languages are spoken by communities as one of several languages present on a daily basis. The persistence of multilingualism and the linguistic creativity manifest in the playful use of different languages are striking, especially against the backdrop of language death and expanding monolingualism elsewhere in the world. The effortless mastery of several languages is disturbing, however, for those who take essentialist perspectives that see it as a problem rather than a resource, and for the dominating, conflictual, sociolinguistic model of multilingualism. This volume investigates African minority languages in the context of changing patterns of multilingualism, and also assesses the status of African languages in terms of existing influential vitality scales. An important aspect of multilingual praxis is the speakers' agency in making choices, their repertoires of registers and the multiplicity of language ideology associated with different ways of speaking. The volume represents a new and original contribution to the ethnography of speaking of multilingual practices and the cultural ideas associated with them.
This book offers an ethnography of the emergence of a local Christianity and its relation to changing social, political and economic formations among the Peki Ewe in Ghana. Focusing on the Evangelical Presbyterian Church, which arose from encounters between the Ewe and German Piestist missionaries, the author examines recent conflicts leading to the secession of many pentecostally oriented members, which it places in a historical perspective. The main argument is that, for the Ewe, involvement with modernity goes hand in hand with new enchantment, rather than disenchantment, of the world. At the grassroots level, the study focuses on the image of the Devil, which the missionaries communicated to the Ewe through translation and which currently receives much attention in the Pentecostal churches. It is shown that this image played and still plays a crucial role in the local appropriation of Christianity, since diabolisation confirmed the existence of local gods and witchcraft and incorporated them into Christian belief as demons. Comparing the discourses and practices of mission and Pentecostal churches, the study reveals that the latter pay much more attention to Satan - especially through 'deliverance' rituals. Pentecostalism's increasing popularity thus stems from the fact that it ties into historically generated local understandings of Christianity, which, despite a declared dislike of non-Christian religious practices, stand much closer to Ewe religion than missionary Christianity. With its emphasis on the hybrid image of the Devil and people's obsessions with occult forces as a way to mediate the attractions and discontents of modernity, this book sheds light on a hitherto neglected dimension in studies of African Christianity.
This text explores the multidisciplinary context of African Indigenous Knowledge Systems from scholars and scholar activists committed to the interrogation, production, articulation, dissemination and general development of endogenous and indigenous modes of intellectual activity and praxis. The work reinforces the demand for the decolonization of the academy and makes the case for a paradigmatic shift in content, subject matter and curriculum in institutions in Africa and elsewhere – with a view to challenging and rejecting disinformation and intellectual servitude. Indigenous intellectual discourses related to diverse disciplines take center stage in this volume with a focus on education, mathematics, medicine, chemistry and engineering in their historical and contemporary context.