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Since the 1960s, bilingualism has become a defining aspect of Canadian identity. And yet, today, relatively few English Canadians speak or choose to speak French. Why has personal bilingualism failed to increase as much as attitudes about bilingualism as a Canadian value? In So They Want Us to Learn French, Matthew Hayday explores the various ways in which bilingualism was promoted to English-speaking Canadians from the 1960s to the late 1990s. He analyzes the strategies and tactics employed by organizations on both sides of the bilingualism debate. Against a dramatic background of constitutional change and controvery, economic turmoil, demographic shifts, and the on-again, off-again possibility of Quebec separatism, English-speaking Canadians had to decide whether they and their children should learn French. Highlighting the personal experiences of proponents and advocates, Hayday provides a vivid narrative of a complex, controversial, and fundamentally Canadian question.
Explores parallel and divergent developments in language policy and language rights in the U.S. and Canada, especially the past 4 decades, as a basis for reflection on what can be learned from one country's experience by the other.
According to Canadian poet Frank Oliver Call, the soul of Canada is a dual personality, and must remain only half revealed to those who know only one language . With each of Canada's official languages comes indeed a mindset, a culture, a legacy. In addition to quebecois bijuralism, the federal/provincial division of powers, Nunavut's unique Aboriginal legal order and the influence of the United States, language, a too-often overlooked element, plays an essential role in shaping Canadian law. In a globalized world where cultures meet and legal systems blend, virtually all regional and global institutions created since the twentieth century have been faced with the challenge of producing multilingual rules acceptable and workable for all their members. Despite its flaws and paradoxes, the Canadian legal system is a fascinating example of legislating and administering justice in a truly multicultural society.
As the threat of another Quebec referendum on independence looms, this book becomes important for every Canadian — especially as language remains both a barrier and a bridge in our divided country Canada’s language policy is the only connection between two largely unilingual societies — English-speaking Canada and French-speaking Quebec. The country’s success in staying together depends on making it work. How well is it working? Graham Fraser, an English-speaking Canadian who became bilingual, decided to take a clear-eyed look at the situation. The results are startling — a blend of good news and bad. The Official Languages Act was passed with the support of every party in the House way back in 1969 — yet Canada’s language policy is still a controversial, red-hot topic; jobs, ideals, and ultimately the country are at stake. And the myth that the whole thing was always a plot to get francophones top jobs continues to live. Graham Fraser looks at the intentions, the hopes, the fears, the record, the myths, and the unexpected reality of a country that is still grappling with the language challenge that has shaped its history. He finds a paradox: after letting Quebec lawyers run the country for three decades, Canadians keep hoping the next generation will be bilingual — but forty years after learning that the country faced a language crisis, Canada’s universities still treat French as a foreign language. He describes the impact of language on politics and government (not to mention social life in Montreal and Ottawa) in a hard-hitting book that will be discussed everywhere, including the headlines in both languages.
Canada’s official languages legislation fundamentally altered the composition and operational considerations of federal institutions. With legislative change, Canada’s public service has achieved the equitable representation of its two official languages groups, provided services to the public in both official languages, and has codified rights for public servants to work in their official language of choice. On paper, the regime is robust. In practice, there is a persistent divergence between policy and practice, as English dominates as the regular language of work in the federal public service. Through an historical institutionalist lens based on extensive archival research and semi-structured interviews, Gaspard shows that the implementation of official languages policy in the federal public service from 1967–2013 could not challenge the predominance of English as the operating language of the federal public service. The analysis of the roles of actors, ideas and institutions that influenced the policy implementation process show that a lack of structural change, inadequate managerial engagement, and a false sense that both official languages are equally ingrained in the public service explain the persistence of English as the dominant language of work. This book is published in English. - La politique sur les langues officielles du Canada a transformé la composition et les considérations opérationnelles des institutions fédérales. Grâce aux modifications législatives, la fonction publique du Canada a réussi à mettre en place une représentation équitable de ses deux groupes de langues officielles, assure la prestation de services au public dans les deux langues officielles, et a procédé à la codification des droits des fonctionnaires de travailler dans la langue officielle de leur choix. En théorie, le régime est robuste. En pratique, il existe un fossé entre politique et pratique, l’anglais s’étant établi comme langue dominante de travail dans la fonction publique fédérale. En adoptant une approche historique à cette question institutionnelle et au moyen de recherches archivistiques et d’entrevues mi-structurées, Gaspard fait valoir que de 1967 à 2013, la mise en oeuvre du programme de langues officielles à la fonction publique fédérale n’a pu influer sur la trajectoire de l’anglais comme langue prépondérante de travail. L’analyse des rôles des intervenants et des institutions qui ont façonné le processus met en lumière le fait que l’absence de changements structurels, l’engagement insuffisant des gestionnaires, de même que la perception erronée que les langues officielles sont toutes deux bien ancrées dans la fonction publique se conjuguent pour expliquer la persistance de l’anglais comme principale langue de travail. Ce livre est publié en anglais.