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“Léon Blum [1872-1950], Walther Rathenau [1867-1922] and Filippo Tommaso Marinetti [1876-1944] were all men who had made careers in other fields before they entered political life. They were all men who were aware that the development of machines and of mechanised industry had created a new age; and they were all concerned to come to terms with it. Moreover, they all belonged to a European intellectual and artistic world that was truly international, and, although they never met, they had friends and acquaintances in common. They were all men of ideas who were, in one way or another, compelled to go into politics because of the intellectual position they had reached. All three experienced the difficulties and frustrations which confront the man of theory in the world of practice; and all of them suffered as a result of becoming politicians. Entry into politics led to Rathenau’s death; it endangered Blum’s life and made nonsense of Marinetti’s... The careers of all three men raise the question of how far a man of intelligence or imagination, sensibility or originality, independence or scrupulousness can in fact stand up to the strain of the ruthless machine-politics of the twentieth century, and whether the intellectual in politics is not always going to be doomed to failure because of the nature of his own virtues... This book is... an attempt to give accounts of the character, ideas and influence of three Europeans, born into the apparently stable world of middle class commerce and industry in the second half of the nineteenth century, who realised that that world was changing, understood the nature of the changes and helped influence their course.” — James Joll, Introduction, Three Intellectuals in Politics “[E]ach individual study [is] an admirable vignette... Joll is a master of the — today — rarely practiced art of essay. He includes everything worth knowing about a man within a brief compass: he possesses an unerring eye for the telling detail along with the significant generalization; he combines subjective sympathy with objective criticism in dealing with very different types of men. He writes an excellent style and wears his scholarship lightly.” — Klaus Epstein, Jewish Social Studies “Each essay is in itself first-rate. This is the political generation that first came to grips with the advanced technology produced by the industrial revolution, that first st”ruggled with the social problems ensuing from this technology, that came to political maturity during the first great technological war of our era, and that lived on to see at least the shadow of a second. Furthermore, as intellectuals, these men are three unusually articulate representatives of that generation. Being, at the same time, three very diffèrent men — as different, Joll suggests, as the nations that produced them — they can be seen to constitute three aspects of European man encountering the twentieth century.” — Ronald Sanders, The New Leader “Professor Joll’s broad use of the words ‘politics’ and ‘intellectual’ is more than justified by the intrinsic interest of the lives of these three men and their usefulness as introductions to the political and cultural atmosphere of France, Germany, and Italy in the early twentieth century.” — John Ratte, Commonweal “Léon Blum, Walther Rathenau, and F. T. Marinetti are the subjects of separate biographic essays here. No matter what heights they reached in elective or appointive office, it is peculiar that none of these men was able to fulfill his socio-economic aspirations or influence his countrymen to do so during his lifetime... None of the three is remembered for what he considered his best achievements, and each suffered the humility of recognizing his own failure and impotence. This is not a book of hero stories... These essays are valuable principally for their historical perspective on the era between the wars.” — Kirkus Reviews
This book examines the contact relationships between U.S. presidents and America's intellectuals since 1960.
"Today’s intellectuals in China inherit a mixed tradition in terms of their relationship to the state. Some follow the Confucian literati watchdog role of criticizing abuses of political power. Marxist intellectuals judge the state’s practices on the basis of Communist ideals. Others prefer the May Fourth spirit, dedicated to the principles of free scholarly and artistic expression. The Chinese government, for its part, has undulated in its treatment of intellectuals, applying restraints when free expression threatened to get “out of control,” relaxing controls when state policies required the cooperation, good will, and expertise of intellectuals. In this stimulating work, twelve China scholars examine that troubled and changing relationship. They focus primarily on the post-Mao years when bitter memories of the Cultural Revolution and China’s renewed quest for modernization have at times allowed intellectuals increased leeway in expression and more influence in policy-making. Specialists examine the situation with respect to economists, lawyers, scientists and technocrats, writers, and humanist scholars in the climate of Deng Xiaoping’s policies, and speculate about future developments. This book will be a valuable source of information for anyone interested in the changing scene in contemporary China and in its relations with the outside world."
This wide-ranging collection of essays examines modern intellectuals and ideologues. Matthew Feldman calls attention to the substantial role played in post-Great War Europe and the United States by religions--both familiar monotheisms like Christianity and secular 'political faiths'--over the last century of upheaval.
Selected by Newsweek as one of “14 nonfiction books you’ll want to read this fall” Fifty years after it first appeared, one of Noam Chomsky’s greatest essays will be published for the first time as a timely stand-alone book, with a new preface by the author As a nineteen-year-old undergraduate in 1947, Noam Chomsky was deeply affected by articles about the responsibility of intellectuals written by Dwight Macdonald, an editor of Partisan Review and then of Politics. Twenty years later, as the Vietnam War was escalating, Chomsky turned to the question himself, noting that "intellectuals are in a position to expose the lies of governments" and to analyze their "often hidden intentions." Originally published in the New York Review of Books, Chomsky's essay eviscerated the "hypocritical moralism of the past" (such as when Woodrow Wilson set out to teach Latin Americans "the art of good government") and exposed the shameful policies in Vietnam and the role of intellectuals in justifying it. Also included in this volume is the brilliant "The Responsibility of Intellectuals Redux," written on the tenth anniversary of 9/11, which makes the case for using privilege to challenge the state. As relevant now as it was in 1967, The Responsibility of Intellectuals reminds us that "privilege yields opportunity and opportunity confers responsibilities." All of us have choices, even in desperate times.
Zhidong Hao's fascinating book, Intellectuals at a Crossroads, examines groups of contemporary Chinese intellectuals, their successes, failures, identity contradictions, and ethical dilemmas. Three categories of intellectuals are studied: organic intellectuals who serve specific interests, from government and business to working class movements; critical intellectuals who defy authority with continued social criticism; and "unattached" intellectuals who are fast being professionalized. Using a historical-comparative approach enhanced with demographic and rare interview data, the book bridges the traditional with the modern and the Chinese with the foreign by exploring how these intellectuals are adapting to their roles and influencing political, economic, and social change in the "new" China.
Italian intellectuals played an important role in the shaping of international politics during the Cold War. The visions of the world that they promulgated, their influence on public opinion and their ability to shape collective speech, whether in agreement with or in opposition to those in power, have been underestimated and understudied. This volume marks one of the first serious attempts to assess how Italian intellectuals understood and influenced Italy’s place in the post–World War II world. The protagonists represent the three key post-war political cultures: Catholic, Marxist and Liberal Democratic. Together, these essays uncover the role of such intellectuals in institutional networks, their impact on the national and transnational circulation of ideas and the relationships they established with a variety of international associations and movements.
Focusing on the role of intellectuals in the political transition of the late 1980s and early 1990s and their participation in the political life of the new democracies of Central Europe, this book presents original essays from authors who discuss the eight countries in the region.
In most analyses of the Cold War's end the ideological aspects of Gorbachev's "new thinking" are treated largely as incidental to the broader considerations of power. English demonstrates that Gorbachev's foreign policy was the result of an intellectual revolution. He analyzes the rise of a liberal policy-academic elite and its impact on the Cold War's end.