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Discusses many of the ways that New York City dropped its crime rate between the years of 1991 and 2000.
This report was jointly launched by the National Academy of Economic Strategy of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and UN-HABITAT. Using the indicator system and objective data, the competitiveness of 1,035 global cities was evaluated in detail. The report measures the development pattern of global urban competitiveness as a whole, and the gap between the relevant parties and the ideal state. It has refreshed people's past perceptions of urban rankings and confirmed that the science and technology innovation center cities and central cities of emerging economies have begun to break the inherent global cities and they have entered the ranks of the most urban competitiveness.While paying attention to the comparison of competitiveness among cities, this report further promotes the perspective to the pattern and trend change of global economic and social development from the perspective of city. The followings are new findings: First, information technology has increasingly become the primary driving force for urban development; Second, it is the three meridians that divide the global urban population and economic differentiation; Third, the soft links between cities gradually dominate the global urban system; Fourth, the formation of new global cities is beginning.
Classic economic considerations applied to the crucial urban problems of poverty, racial segregation, urban renewal, transportation, and education. Originally published in 1968
This book analyzes and explains the ways in which major developing world cities respond to the challenge of urban violence. The study shows how the political projects that cities launch to confront urban violence are shaped by the interaction between urban political economies and patterns of armed territorial control. It introduces business as a pivotal actor in the politics of urban violence, and argues that how business is organized within cities and its linkages to local governments impacts whether or not business supports or subverts state efforts to stem and prevent urban violence. A focus on city mayors finds that the degree to which politicians rely upon clientelism to secure and maintain power influences whether they favor responses to violence that perpetuate or weaken local political exclusion. The book builds a new typology of patterns of armed territorial control within cities, and shows that each poses unique challenges and opportunities for confronting urban violence. The study develops sub-national comparative analyses of puzzling variation in the institutional outcomes of the politics of urban violence across Colombia's three principal cities—Medellin, Cali, and Bogota—and over time within each. The book's main findings contribute to research on violence, crime, citizen security, urban development, and comparative political economy. The analysis demonstrates that the politics of urban violence is a powerful new lens on the broader question of who governs in major developing world cities.