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Funny, amazing, and as quirky as the country, The Unofficial U.S. Census truly has America's number. Published at the same time as the government's findings, these statistics tell things the government leaves out of its report. Readers will learn that: 1,275,000 dogs sleep in their owners' beds; 3,200,000 men use hair coloring; and much, much more. Press syndication.
Presents a demographic profile of Americans using nontraditional census data, including sporting activities, sex, food, religious beliefs, education, dating, driving, and net worth.
Learn all the juicy details and quirky facts about Americans that the official U.S. Census fails to report.
An Unofficial Guide to the 2010 U.S. Census is an in-depth look at the 2010 Census from the form itself, to its history, anecdotes, $14.3 billion budget, and $435 billion impact. Every nuance of how to fill out the form correctly and why it matters, plus stories about the recent debacles in Senate hearings and controversy about the inclusion of the term "Negro," An Unofficial Guide to the 2010 U.S. Census has everything the interested reader could want.
How could the same person be classified by the US census as black in 1900, mulatto in 1910, and white in 1920? The history of categories used by the US census reflects a country whose identity and self-understanding--particularly its social construction of race--is closely tied to the continuous polling on the composition of its population. By tracing the evolution of the categories the United States used to count and classify its population from 1790 to 1940, Paul Schor shows that, far from being simply a reflection of society or a mere instrument of power, censuses are actually complex negotiations between the state, experts, and the population itself. The census is not an administrative or scientific act, but a political one. Counting Americans is a social history exploring the political stakes that pitted various interests and groups of people against each other as population categories were constantly redefined. Utilizing new archival material from the Census Bureau, this study pays needed attention to the long arc of contested changes in race and census-making. It traces changes in how race mattered in the United States during the era of legal slavery, through its fraught end, and then during (and past) the period of Jim Crow laws, which set different ethnic groups in conflict. And it shows how those developing policies also provided a template for classifying Asian groups and white ethnic immigrants from southern and eastern Europe--and how they continue to influence the newly complicated racial imaginings informing censuses in the second half of the twentieth century and beyond. Focusing in detail on slaves and their descendants, on racialized groups and on immigrants, and on the troubled imposition of U.S. racial categories upon the populations of newly acquired territories, Counting Americans demonstrates that census-taking in the United States has been at its core a political undertaking shaped by racial ideologies that reflect its violent history of colonization, enslavement, segregation and discrimination.
Pundits have observed that if so many incumbents are returned to Congress to each election by such wide margins, perhaps we should look for ways to increase competitiveness – a centerpiece to the American way of life – through redistricting. Do competitive elections increase voter satisfaction? How does voting for a losing candidate affect voters’ attitudes toward government? The not-so-surprising conclusion is that losing voters are less satisfied with Congress and their Representative, but the implications for the way in which we draw congressional and state legislative districts are less straightforward. Redistricting and Representation argues that competition in general elections is not the sine qua non of healthy democracy, and that it in fact contributes to the low levels of approval of Congress and its members. Brunell makes the case for a radical departure from traditional approaches to redistricting – arguing that we need to "pack" districts with as many like-minded partisans as possible, maximizing the number of winning voters, not losers.