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L'action politico-militaire de l'Espagne et de la France dans le Rif, racontée par le correspondant du Times au Maroc.
'Deadly Embrace is not only a well-written and thoroughly documented book but also a necessary and vital contribution to the study of the turbulent and often violent first four decades of twentieth century Spain.' -Francisco J. Romero Salvadó, Reviews in History'Sebastian Balfour's Deadly Embrace: Morocco and the Road to the Spanish Civil War is a solid piece of research following on from his last book, The End of Spanish Empire, 1898-1923 (1997)... Balfour renders fresh much familiar material, with original interpretations of figures obscured by their reputations... he offers an important interpretative revision of the bulk of the campaigns of 1924-27 against Abdel Krim and his 'Republic of the Rif', underlining the calculated use of poisonous gases... his argument is innovative and very convincing.' -Enric Ucelay-Da Cal, Times Literary SupplementDrawing on documents buried in archives for decades and interviews with war veterans, some over 100 years old, Sebastian Balfour demolishes traditional interpretations of the Spanish colonial and civil wars. Throwing fresh light on military cultures, racism, and the experience of the soldier in war, from the early twentieth century to the 1930s, he reveals the extraordinary brutality of the colonial war in Morocco and the export of that brutality to Spain in the Civil War. Above all the author exposes for the first time the story of the chemical warfare waged by Spain against Moroccans resisting the invasions of their lands.
In 1936, the Spanish Foreign Legion was the most well equipped, thoroughly trained, and battle-tested unit in the Spanish Army, and with its fearsome reputation for brutality and savagery, the Legion was not only critical to the eventual victory of Franco and the Nationalists, but was also a powerful propaganda tool the Nationalists used to intimidate and terrorize its enemies. Drawing upon Spanish military archival sources, the Legion’s own diary of operations and relevant secondary sources, Alvarez recounts the pivotal role played by the Spanish Foreign Legion in the initial months of the Spanish Civil War, a war that was not only between Spaniards, but that pitted the political ideology of Communism and Socialism against that of Fascism and Nazism.
A richly documented survey of modern Moroccan history that will enthral those searching for the background to present-day events in the region.
The Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939 underlined the importance of the sea as the supply route to both General Franco's insurgents and the Spanish Republic. There were attempted blockades by Franco as well as attacks by his Italian and German allies against legitimate neutral, largely British, merchant shipping bound for Spanish Republican ports and challenges to the Royal Navy, which was obliged to maintain a heavy presence in the area. The conflict provoked splits in British public opinion. Events at sea both created and reflected the international tensions of the latter 1930s, when the policy of appeasement of Germany and Italy dissuaded Britain from taking action against those countries’ activities in Spain, except to participate in a largely ineffective naval patrol to try to prevent the supply of war material to both sides. The book is based on original documentary sources in both Britain and Spain and is intended for the general reader as well as students and academics interested in the history of the 1930s, in naval matters and in the Spanish Civil War.
At first glance, the U.S. decision to escalate the war in Vietnam in the mid-1960s, China's position on North Korea's nuclear program in the late 1990s and early 2000s, and the EU resolution to lift what remained of the arms embargo against Libya in the mid-2000s would appear to share little in common. Yet each of these seemingly unconnected and far-reaching foreign policy decisions resulted at least in part from the exercise of a unique kind of coercion, one predicated on the intentional creation, manipulation, and exploitation of real or threatened mass population movements. In Weapons of Mass Migration, Kelly M. Greenhill offers the first systematic examination of this widely deployed but largely unrecognized instrument of state influence. She shows both how often this unorthodox brand of coercion has been attempted (more than fifty times in the last half century) and how successful it has been (well over half the time). She also tackles the questions of who employs this policy tool, to what ends, and how and why it ever works. Coercers aim to affect target states' behavior by exploiting the existence of competing political interests and groups, Greenhill argues, and by manipulating the costs or risks imposed on target state populations. This "coercion by punishment" strategy can be effected in two ways: the first relies on straightforward threats to overwhelm a target's capacity to accommodate a refugee or migrant influx; the second, on a kind of norms-enhanced political blackmail that exploits the existence of legal and normative commitments to those fleeing violence, persecution, or privation. The theory is further illustrated and tested in a variety of case studies from Europe, East Asia, and North America. To help potential targets better respond to—and protect themselves against—this kind of unconventional predation, Weapons of Mass Migration also offers practicable policy recommendations for scholars, government officials, and anyone concerned about the true victims of this kind of coercion—the displaced themselves.
As the first English language general history of modern Morocco, this book examines the tactics used by Moroccan rulers to deal with European domination, colonialism, and, since the 1950s, independence. The battle between the royal family and its opponents is discussed, and the text explores the ways by which both sides use the religion of Islam to justify their opposing positions. The book also follows the changing social landscape in the country as relationships between the sexes, linguistic groups and classes have morphed in the last two centuries. Pennell teaches Middle Eastern history at the U. of Melbourne. Annotation copyrighted by Book News Inc., Portland, OR
"In Muslims in Spain, 1492-1814: Living and Negotiating in the Land of the Infidel, Eloy Martín-Corrales surveys Hispano-Muslim relations from the late fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries, a period of chronic hostilities. Nonetheless there were thousands of Muslims in Spain during this time: ambassadors, exiles, merchants, converts, and travelers. Their negotiating strategies and the necessary support they found on both shores of the Mediterranean prove that relations between Spaniards and Muslims were based on reasons of state and a pragmatism that generated intense ties, both political and economic. These increased enormously after the peace treaties that Spain signed with Muslim countries between 1767 and 1791"--
In its revised and updated fourth edition, this exhaustive encyclopedia provides a record of casualties of war from the last five centuries through 2015, with new statistical and analytical information. Figures include casualties from global terrorism, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the fight against the Islamic State. New entries cover an additional 20 armed conflicts between 1492 and 2007 not included in previous editions. Arranged roughly by century and subdivided by world region, chronological entries include the name and dates of the conflict, precursor events, strategies and details, the outcome and its aftermath.