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Originally published in 1957, this book gives a comprehensive account of the scope and variety of the work previously performed by Scottish Government departments in Whitehall during the second half of the 20th Century. The then Secretary of State for Scotland’s role was unusually diverse – he or she was the equivalent to a number of English ministers. The book examines this complex role and then analyses the work and organisation of 4 main departments: Agriculture, Education, Health and Home. The approach is a broad one, with an explanation given of how and why Scottish arrangements and practices differ from those south of the border.
First published in 1973, Professor Kellas's account of Scottish government and politics has long been recognised as the standard textbook in the field. Its scope includes a definition of the Scottish political system, and critical descriptions of Scottish administration (central and local), parliamentary activity, parties, electoral behaviour, and pressure groups. Scottish nationalism is given a wider interpretation than usual, covering not only the support for the Scottish National Party, but the manifestations of national feeling in Scottish life generally. The General Election of 1987 provided further evidence of the distinctive character of politics in Scotland, with the Conservative Party reduced to ten MPs, barely sufficient to fill the existing Scottish ministerial posts. In a new postscript Professor Kellas looks at the principal political developments of the period since 1983, and examines the political and constitutional implications of the current imbalance of forces as between Westminster and Scotland.
This is the second report of the IDMG on Human Trafficking; the group with responsibility for overseeing and assessing the UK's efforts to tackle human trafficking and modern slavery. The report provides an assessment of human trafficking in the UK building on the first report of the group which was published in October 2012. It shows that 1186 people were identified and referred for support in 2012 - an increase of 25% in the number of referrals from 2011 - though it is acknowledged that these figures are an underestimate of the largely hidden problem. The report shows that trafficking remains primarily an organised crime associated with gangs. Action to address the problem is planned with a Modern Slavery Bill to be published this year in draft form for pre-legislative scrutiny. The bill will consolidate into a single act the offences used to prosecute slave drivers. It will also introduce Trafficking Prevention Orders to restrict the activity and movement of convicted traffickers and stop them from committing further offences and a new Anti-Slavery Commissioner to hold law enforcement and other organisations to account. The offence of slave driving will carry a maximum sentence of life imprisonment, with those who already have a conviction for a very serious sexual or violent offence facing an automatic life sentence.
It outlines the relative effect of each government on Scottish politics and public policy in various contexts, including: high expectations for 'new politics' that were never fully realised; the influence of, and reactions from, the media and public; the role of political parties; the Scottish Government's relations with the UK Government, ELI institutions, local government, quasi-governmental and non-governmental actors; and, the finance available to fund policy initiatives. It then considers how far Scotland has travelled on the road to constitutional change, comparing the original devolved framework with-calls for independence or a new devolution settlement.
Sets the Scottish independence referendum in context, exploring the questions of national identity, everyday public policy, structures of government and constitutional politics, drawing on a range of sources to illustrate why the Scottish Question can never be answered definitively.
This work provides a descriptive and analytical introduction to Scottish government and politics. It covers the emergence of the Scottish parliament and its impact on politics and political actors such as the media, political parties and pressure groups.
This book examines the efforts of the government in Scotland to manage the increase of migrants travelling to Britain at the end of the nineteenth century. Focussing on the period between 1885 and 1914, the book explores how the Scottish machinery of government handled the administration of 'foreigners.' The author uses a comparative, thematic approach to analyse migrant experiences, identities, and relationships with state institutions. Drawing from state records held by the National Records of Scotland in Edinburgh, the book argues that Scottish officials in semi-autonomous boards began to recognise, describe and enumerate the presence of the 'foreigner' in the early twentieth century, framing their handling of foreignness in accordance with the Aliens Act of 1905. The author goes on to explain that institutions operating in Scotland developed a distinctly Scottish approach to alien matters, which continued up until the Second Word War. Therefore, an increasing number of important decisions affecting migrants were taken by a distinctly Scottish machinery of government, impacting on how Scottish officials understood foreignness, and how those identified as foreigners understood their identity in relation to Scottishness. Contributing significantly to current heated debates on migration and identity amongst researchers and the general public in Europe and beyond, this book provides essential insights into the ways in which a 'sub-state' began to develop practices, processes and attitudes towards migration which were not always in line with that of the central government. Terence McBride is an Honorary Associate in History at the Open University in Scotland. He has published widely on the migrant experience in Scotland, including articles in Immigrants and Minorities and Historical Research.
This book presents a narrative of Scottish politics since devolution in 1999. It compares eight years of coalition government under Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats with four years of Scottish National Party minority government. It outlines the relative effect of each government on Scottish politics and public policy in various contexts, including: high expectations for ‘new politics' that were never fully realised; the influence of, and reactions from, the media and public; the role of political parties; the Scottish Government's relations with the UK Government, EU institutions, local government, quasi-governmental and non-governmental actors; and, the finance available to fund policy initiatives. It then considers how far Scotland has travelled on the road to constitutional change, comparing the original devolved framework with calls for independence or a new devolution settlement. The book draws heavily on information produced since 1999 by the Scottish Devolution Monitoring project (which forms one part of the devolution monitoring project led by the Constitution Unit, UCL) and is supplemented by new research on public policy, minority government, intergovernmental relations and constitutional change.