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The image of public relations, and particularly government public relations, is often linked to thoughts of press agentry and propaganda (Brown, 1976; Cutlip, 1995; Cutlip, Center, & Broom, 2000; Lesly, 1988), and journalists seem to agree with this association (Ryan & Martinson, 1985; Stegall & Sanders, 1986). As a result, a "media-public relations struggle' (Cutlip, 1976, p. 6) ensues, despite the reliance each has upon the other to do their jobs effectively (Bishop, 1988; Brown, 1976; Cutlip, 1976; Gieber & Johnson, 1961; Shea & Gulick, 1997; Sietel, 1992). This mutually-dependent relationship is especially important to the Department of Defense (Baroody, 1999, Braestrup, 1991), which considers the news media "the principal means of communicating information about the military to the general public" (Joint Pub 3-61, p. vi) and measures the effectiveness of the military public affairs program upon its ability to communicate with various publics to maintain awareness and support of the Defense Department (Public Affairs Handbook, 1991). Each of the branches of the armed forces - the Air Force, Army, Navy, and Marine Corps - has a distinct public affairs structure, including how they designate public affairs officers (Public Affairs Handbook, 1991). With the exception of the Marine Corps, which follows Navy guidelines, each branch also has their own set of regulations and policies.
Public Relations practice, its approaches and methods have become widely and deeply entrenched in business, government and in many other complex organizations especially in the developed nations of the world. In same manner, its relevance and utility as tool of institutional promotion have equally come to be appreciated in the Armed Forces. The text therefore, within context of the evolution, growth and development of the broad discipline of Public Relations appropriately situates its practice in the military. It articulates and highlights in-depth, the many aspects to public relations practice in the armed Forces drawing examples extensively from especially the experiences of the United States and UK Armed Services. Divided into Four Parts, the book examines the role of the Military in society and traces the evolution of modern public Relations and its development in the military. Under 'Public Relations Principles, Approaches and Practice", it analyses the role and function of public relations in the interface of military and society, and further highlight the purpose of military public relations, its targets, strategies and tactics. It examines Public Relations practice in the Nigerian Military including public perception and management. Current and topical Issues in Public Relations and Communication such as 'Technology, the Military and Public Relations', 'Social Media, Public Relations and the Military', 'Security Threats, Crisis Management and the Role of Communications', and 'Challenges to Military Public Relations Practice' were analyzed. The book finally concludes with 'The Importance of Military Public Relations in a Democratic Society'. Given the perpetual need to constantly `keep the military in the public eye', the book strongly posits that it is appropriate that public relations be properly positioned as the strategic machinery through which the military could seek to identify with the people and invariably, national interest in order for them to render accounts of their performances and seek informed public support as obtains in developed democracies. This book will be a useful source of reference to especially military public relations officers and indeed all military officers across the world. It further should bring forth better insight to the understanding by the civilian populace, communications professionals, and research scholars specializing in military public relations or public affairs operating in diverse regions of the world.
Each and every organization needs to develop a good strategy for public affairs. Public affairs have received such kind of importance in today's world because no organization can survive in isolation. Every institution requires other institutions as well as the public that act as the customer, the decision-maker as well as the employees that can make or break the image of an organization. With the advent of technology, this task has become easier for managers. The information could be disseminated at a very low cost with the use of mass media and socializing websites. Creating a good image for an institution has become relatively much easier, but this comes with the negative fact that the dissolution of the image has also become an easy task. Public affairs have been increasingly given importance in the corporate world as increased competition has resulted in excess marketing and advertising campaigns that are used to create a Goodwill for the company. There are various tools under public affairs that are used by various organizations in order to fulfill their objectives and goals in the long run.
Public relations and journalism have had a difficult relationship for over a century, characterised by mutual dependence and - often - mutual distrust. The two professions have vied with each other for primacy: journalists could open or close the gates, but PR had the stories, the contacts and often the budgets for extravagant campaigns. The arrival of the internet, and especially of social media, has changed much of that. These new technologies have turned the audience into players - who play an important part in making the reputation, and the brand, of everyone from heads of state to new car models vulnerable to viral tweets and social media attacks. Companies, parties and governments are seeking more protection - especially since individuals within these organisations can themselves damage, even destroy, their brand or reputation with an ill-chosen remark or an appearance of arrogance. The pressures, and the possibilities, of the digital age have given public figures and institutions both a necessity to protect themselves, and channels to promote themselves free of news media gatekeepers. Political and corporate communications professionals have become more essential, and more influential within the top echelons of business, politics and other institutions. Companies and governments can now - must now - become media themselves, putting out a message 24/7, establishing channels of their own, creating content to attract audiences and reaching out to their networks to involve them in their strategies Journalism is being brought into these new, more influential and fast growing communications strategies. And, as newspapers struggle to stay alive, journalists must adapt to a world where old barriers are being smashed and new relationships built - this time with public relations in the driving seat. The world being created is at once more protected and more transparent; the communicators are at once more influential and more fragile. This unique study illuminates a new media age.
1. PURPOSE. This Manual establishes policies and standards for the administration of the Coast Guard External Affairs Program for both Coast Guard Headquarters and the field. 2. ACTION. All Coast Guard commanders, commanding officers, officers-in-charge, deputy/assistant commandants, and chiefs of headquarters staff elements shall comply with the provisions of this Manual. Internet release is authorized. 3. DIRECTIVES AFFECTED. The Coast Guard Public Affairs Manual, COMDTINST M5728.2 (series), Coast Guard Partnership with First Book, COMDTINST 5350.5 (series), Retired Flag Officer Biographical Material/Requirements, COMDTINST 5700.3 (series), and The Coast Guard Engagement Framework, COMDTINST 5730.2 (series) are canceled. All Commandant directives referencing the Public Affairs Manual and The Coast Guard Engagement Framework are now directed to this Manual and Reference (a).
The topic of civil-military relations has high significance for academics, for policy makers, for military commanders, and for serious students of public policy in democratic and other societies. The post-Cold War and post-9-11 worlds have thrown traditional as well as new challenges to the effective management of armed forces and defense establishments. Further, the present century has seen a rising arc in the use of armed violence on the part of non-state actors, including terrorists, to considerable political effect. Civil-military relations in the United States, and their implications for US and allied security policies, is the focus of most discussions in this volume, but other contributions emphasize the comparative and cross-national dimensions of the relationship between the use or threat of force and public policy. Authors contributing to this study examine a wide range of issues, including: the contrast between theory and practice in civil-military relations; the role perceptions of military professionals across generations; the character of civil-military relations in authoritarian or other democratically-challenged political systems; usefulness of business models in military management; the attributes of civil-military relations during unconventional conflicts; the experience of the all-volunteer force and its meaning for US civil-military relations; and other topics. Contributors include civilian academic and policy analysts and military officers with considerable academic expertise and experience with the subject matter.
The concept of media as the "fourth estate" is now firmly established as a main principle of modern Western democratic theory. Free and independent media are a key element in democracies, where they play a vital role as a bridge or transmission belt between society and those who govern. The security sector, however, tends to remain resistant to the processes of democratisation and civilian oversight. Legitimised by the concerns of "national security", governments and security elites advance reasons for lack of transparency and low levels of public scrutiny. Despite some attempts to manage public and media relations, the levels of transparency in performing the tasks and communicating them to the media remain less than ideal. The global war on terror and heightened security threats across the world further contribute to the curbing of freedom of expression, access to information and public scrutiny of the security sector activities. This publication examines the complex relationship between Western security structures and the media, and uses it to draw implications for the role of media in the ongoing processes of democratisation and "security sector reform" (SSR) in transitional countries. It thus offers a unique perspective on the convergence of security, governance and media in democratic and democratising contexts.
`No book is more timely than this collection, which analyses brilliantly the Western media′s relentless absorption into the designs of dominant, rapacious power′ - John Pilger `A most timely book, with many valuable insights′ - Martin Bell O.B.E `It has long been known that the outcome of war is deeply influenced by the battle to win ′hearts and minds′. This book provides a stimulating set of perspectives which combine the analyses of prominent academics with the experiences of leading journalists′ - Professor Tom Woodhouse, University of Bradford `This volume represents an all-star cast of authors who have a tremendous amount of knowledge about media and world conflict. One of its strengths is that it doesn′t focus entirely narrowly on media, but puts the discussion of media issues in the context of changes in the world order in military doctrine′ - Professor Daniel C. Hallin, University of California `This book comes just in time. A coherent and wide-ranging collection of data, analyses and insights that help our understanding of the complex interaction between communication and conflict. A major intellectual contribution to critical thinking about the early 21st century′ - Cees J Hamelink, Professor International Communication, University of Amsterdam With what new tools do governments manage the news in order to prepare us for conflict? Are the media responsible for turning conflict into infotainment? Is reporting gender specific? How do journalists view their role in covering distant wars? This book critically examines the changing contours of media coverage of war and considers the complexity of the relationship between mass media and governments in wartime. Assessing how far the political, cultural and professional contexts of media coverage have been affected by 9/11 and its aftermath, the volume also explores media representations of the `War on Terrorism′ from regional and international perspectives, including new actors such as the Qatar-based Al-Jazeera - the pan-Arabic television network. One key theme of the book is how new information and communication technologies are influencing the production, distribution and reception of media messages. In an age of instant global communication and round-the-clock news, powerful governments have refined their public relations machinery, particularly in the way warfare is covered on television, to market their version of events effectively to their domestic as well as international viewing public. Transnational in its intellectual scope and in perspectives, War and the Media includes essays from internationally known academics along with contributions from media professionals working for leading broadcasters such as BBC World and CNN.
The trinity of government, military and publics has been drawn together into immediate and unpredictable relationships in a "new media ecology" that has ushered in new asymmetries in the waging of war and terror. To help us understand these new relationships, Andrew Hoskins and Ben O'Loughlin here provide a timely, comprehensive and highly readable survey of the field of war and media. War is diffused through a complex mesh of our everyday media. Paradoxically, this both facilitates and contains the presence and power of enemies near and far. The conventions of so-called traditional warfare have been splintered by the availability and connectivity of the principal locus of war today: the electronic and digital media. Hoskins and O'Loughlin identify and illuminate the conditions of what they term "diffused war" and the new challenges it raises for the actors who wage and counter warfare, for their agents and mechanisms of the new media and for mass publics. This book offers an invaluable review of the key literature and presents a fresh approach to the understanding of the dynamic relationships between war and media. It will be welcomed by a broad range of students taking courses on war and media and related modules, especially in media, communication and cultural studies, politics and international relations, sociology, journalism, and security studies.