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This book discusses the challenges faced by the homo resaliens and his need for a transition to a more sustainable social, economic, and environmental system. It fills a gap in the existing literature and provides a new perspective by changing the etymology of the word resilience: no more resiliere, but resalio. By comparing and analysing the relevant literature, the author has coined the term homo resaliens (resilient man), in contrast to the failure of the homo oeconomicus, the corruption of the homo politicus, the incompleteness of homo sustinens, and the limits of homo ecologicus. Opening a new debate in which the role of academia and res publica are fundamental to safeguard human communities and future generations, this book will greatly assist governments that wish to understand the socio-political and economic implication of resilience in terms of social inclusiveness and long term social and environmental sustainability.
v. 3: The third volume in the series examines the role of anti-apartheid movements around the world. The global anti-apartheid movement was very successful in creating awareness of the liberation struggle in South Africa, and in contributing to the downfall of the apartheid government. This volume, in 2 parts, brings together analyses which in the main are written by activist scholars with deep roots in the movements and organizations they are writing about.
This book examines the contributions made by the governments, organisations and African people ‘on the ground’ throughout the continent towards the realisation of the South African dream in 1994. The chapters provide detailed insight into the roots of the continent’s liberation from colonialism. The subject matter in this book also discusses: The anti-apartheid struggle Caribbean solidarity with the South African struggle Botswana’s role in South African liberation Black internationalism The involvement of the ANC Print editions not for sale in Sub-Saharan Africa. This book is part of Routledge’s co-published series 30 Years of Democracy in South Africa, in collaboration with UNISA Press, which reflects on the past years of a democratic South Africa and assesses the future opportunities and challenges.
Until 1913 and passage of the Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, US senators were elected by state legislatures, not directly by the people. Progressive Era reformers urged this revision in answer to the corruption of state "machines" under the dominance of party bosses. They also believed that direct elections would make the Senate more responsive to popular concerns regarding the concentrations of business, capital, and labor that in the industrial era gave rise to a growing sense of individual voicelessness. Popular control over the higher affairs of government was thought to be possible, since the spread of information and communications technology was seen as rendering indirect representation through state legislators unnecessary. However sincerely such reasons were advanced, C. H. Hoebeke contends, none of them accorded with the original intent of the Constitution's framers.The driving force behind the Seventeenth Amendment was the furtherance of democracy exactly what the founders were trying to prevent in placing the Senate out of direct popular reach. Democracy was not synonymous with liberty as it is today, but simply meant the absolute rule of the majority. In full reaction to the egalitarian theories of the Enlightenment, and to the excesses of popular government under the Articles of Confederation, the Constitution's framers sought a "mixed" Constitution, an ancient ideal under which democracy was only one element in a balanced republic. Accordingly, only the House of Representatives answered immediately to the people. But as Hoebeke demonstrates, the states never resisted egalitarian encroachments, and had settled for popular expedients when electing both presidents and senators long before the formal cry for amendment. The Progressives' charge that a corrupt and unresponsive Senate could never be reformed until placed directly in the hands of the people was refuted by the amendment itself. As required by the Constitutio
The Saffron Revolution of 2007 -- A repeating pattern -- Releasing the military's stranglehold on government -- Building the foundation of democracy -- What should the international community do? -- What can be expected of China? -- What should the United States do?
Eric Zencey's frontal assault on the "infinite planet" foundations of neoconservative political thought