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Regionalism is a term that has been used to describe many different kinds of phenomena, including political, geographical, architectural, and literary. This collection examines "rhetorical regionalism," or the relationships we have to physical regions and the idea of regionality. Regional rhetorics are more than simply the fact of local conditions in certain spaces. They are the ways people produce feelings of belonging and discourses of normalcy within those spaces. The authors in this collection bypass familiar narratives of nationality and localism in order to imagine regions as interfaces that help us to negotiate everyday life. Regions are more than physical spaces, therefore. Regional rhetorics can provide different narratives in order to help us invent new kinds of connections to place and publics. They give us new descriptions of relationships, a power that merges together the tectonic (spatial) and the architectonic (discursive) impulses of rhetoric. The book was originally published as a special issue of Rhetoric Society Quarterly.
The psychology behind political partisanship: “The kind of research that will change not just how you think about the world but how you think about yourself.” —Ezra Klein, Vox Political polarization in America has moved beyond disagreements about matters of policy. For the first time in decades, research has shown that members of both parties hold strongly unfavorable views of their opponents. This is polarization rooted in social identity, and it is growing. The campaign and election of Donald Trump laid bare this fact of the American electorate, its successful rhetoric of “us versus them” tapping into a powerful current of anger and resentment. With Uncivil Agreement, Lilliana Mason looks at the growing social gulf across racial, religious, and cultural lines, which have recently come to divide neatly between the two major political parties. She argues that group identifications have changed the way we think and feel about ourselves and our opponents. Even when Democrats and Republicans can agree on policy outcomes, they tend to view one other with distrust and to work for party victory over all else. Although the polarizing effects of social divisions have simplified our electoral choices and increased political engagement, they have not been a force that is, on balance, helpful for American democracy. Bringing together theory from political science and social psychology, Uncivil Agreement clearly describes this increasingly “social” type of polarization, and adds much to our understanding of contemporary politics.
This dissertation seeks to answer two questions: 1) How has the reputation of Nathan Bedford Forrest been presented by various scholars? 2) How are controversial reputations developed, maintained as well as challenged? I answer these questions by focusing on three specific controversies in Forrest's life; his role as a slave-trader, his role at the Battle of Fort Pillow, and his role in the Ku Klux Klan. My research focuses on three distinct sets of text: two Congressional testimonies, twenty-one biographies, and two-hundred-fourteen newspaper articles conveniently sampled from three newspapers. The consolidated data from the texts explores the various rhetorical strategies authors have used in presenting Forrest and his reputation to readers while contemporary rhetorical theorists as well as Whately were used to identify how each text has contributed to a greater understanding of Forrest's reputation and credibility via reception history to readers over time. My approach observed both the manner Forrest was presented with particular words and descriptions in addition to exploring motives of particular authors. Results indicate that Forrest has become a condensation symbol, representative of something beyond literal definitions, whereby pluralistic and partisan interpretations have resulted in Forrest's name and image used polemically. Results also indicate that Forrest's reputation has been selectively presented, creating confusion between separating historical and mythological conceptions of Forrest to readers.
Spanish American civilization developed over several generations as Iberian-born settlers and their "New World" descendants adapted Old World institutions, beliefs, and literary forms to diverse American social contexts. Like their European forebears, criollos—descendants of Spanish immigrants who called the New World home—preserved the memory of persons of extraordinary Roman Catholic piety in a centuries-old literary form known as the saint's Life. These criollo religious biographies reflect not only traditional Roman Catholic values but also such New World concerns as immigration, racial mixing, and English piracy. Ronald Morgan examines the collective function of the saint's Life from 1600 to the end of the colonial period, arguing that this literary form served not only to prove the protagonist’s sanctity and move the faithful to veneration but also to reinforce sentiments of group pride and solidarity. When criollos praised americano saints, he explains, they also called attention to their own virtues and achievements. Morgan analyzes the printed hagiographies of five New World holy persons: Blessed Sebastián de Aparicio (Mexico), St. Rosa de Lima (Peru), St. Mariana de Jesús (Ecuador), Catarina de San Juan (Mexico), and St. Felipe de Jesús (Mexico). Through close readings of these texts, he explores the significance of holy persons as cultural and political symbols. By highlighting this convergence of religious and sociopolitical discourse, Morgan sheds important light on the growth of Spanish American self-consciousness and criollo identity formation. By focusing on the biographical process itself, Morgan demonstrates the importance of reading each hagiographic text for its idiosyncrasies rather than its conventional features. His work offers new insight into the Latin American cult of saints, inviting scholars to look beyond the isolated lives of individuals to the cultural and social milieus in which their sanctity originated and their public reputations took shape.
From the seventeenth century Cavaliers and Uncle Tom's Cabin to Civil Rights museums and today's conflicts over the Confederate flag, here is a brilliant portrait of southern identity, served in an engaging blend of history, literature, and popular culture. In this insightful book, written with dry wit and sharp insight, James C. Cobb explains how the South first came to be seen--and then came to see itself--as a region apart from the rest of America. As Cobb demonstrates, the legend of the aristocratic Cavalier origins of southern planter society was nurtured by both northern and southern writers, only to be challenged by abolitionist critics, black and white. After the Civil War, defeated and embittered southern whites incorporated the Cavalier myth into the cult of the "Lost Cause," which supplied the emotional energy for their determined crusade to rejoin the Union on their own terms. After World War I, white writers like Ellen Glasgow, William Faulkner and other key figures of "Southern Renaissance" as well as their African American counterparts in the "Harlem Renaissance"--Cobb is the first to show the strong links between the two movements--challenged the New South creed by asking how the grandiose vision of the South's past could be reconciled with the dismal reality of its present. The Southern self-image underwent another sea change in the wake of the Civil Rights movement, when the end of white supremacy shook the old definition of the "Southern way of life"--but at the same time, African Americans began to examine their southern roots more openly and embrace their regional, as well as racial, identity. As the millennium turned, the South confronted a new identity crisis brought on by global homogenization: if Southern culture is everywhere, has the New South become the No South? Here then is a major work by one of America's finest Southern historians, a magisterial synthesis that combines rich scholarship with provocative new insights into what the South means to southerners and to America as well.
Contributions by Whitney Jordan Adams, Wendy Atkins-Sayre, Jason Edward Black, Patricia G. Davis, Cassidy D. Ellis, Megan Fitzmaurice, Michael L. Forst, Jeremy R. Grossman, Cynthia P. King, Julia M. Medhurst, Ryan Neville-Shepard, Jonathan M. Smith, Ashli Quesinberry Stokes, Dave Tell, and Carolyn Walcott Southern rhetoric is communication’s oldest regional study. During its initial invention, the discipline was founded to justify the study of rhetoric in a field of white male scholars analyzing significant speeches by other white men, yielding research that added to myths of Lost Cause ideology and a uniquely oratorical culture. Reconstructing Southern Rhetoric takes on the much-overdue task of reconstructing the way southern rhetoric has been viewed and critiqued within the communication discipline. The collection reveals that southern rhetoric is fluid and migrates beyond geography, is constructed in weak counterpublic formation against legitimated power, creates a region that is not monolithic, and warrants activism and healing. Contributors to the volume examine such topics as political campaign strategies, memorial and museum experiences, television and music influences, commemoration protests, and ethnographic experiences in the South. The essays cohesively illustrate southern identity as manifested in various contexts and ways, considering what it means to be a part of a region riddled with slavery, Jim Crow laws, and other expressions of racial and cultural hierarchy. Ultimately, the volume initiates a new conversation, asking what southern rhetorical critique would be like if it included the richness of the southern culture from which it came.
Almost immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, its newly independent states started reaching out to their neighbors in an attempt to join in the already established alliances and regional groupings of states. Moreover, they sought to recreate some sort of an interstate economic union amongst themselves. While integration with the EU succeeded for some and remains an option for others, regional integration with other post-Soviet states remains mostly a rhetorical exercise. Nonetheless, regionalist imagery still drives these states' foreign policies. Identity construction in the region has emphasized the irreconcilably dualistic nature of such categories as "European" versus "Eurasian." Eurasian regionalism grew out of fear be left alone in the increasingly globalized world. This was accompanied by the politics of envy toward the European Union. Other key movers were China's economic penetration of the region and Russia's attempts to reassert itself both geopolitically and economically. Regionalization was called forth to address political and economic insecurity by means of external branding of the state. Seeking eventual affiliation with the European Union, Ukraine, had spearheaded an openly anti-Russian GUAM (Georgia-Ukraine-Azerbaijan-Moldova) alliance. However, GUAM's construction of identity in explicit opposition to that of Russia's was not positively rewarded with promises of the prospective EU membership. Meanwhile, the "Eurasian" Russia together with Kazakhstan and Belarus has launched the Single Economic Space (SES) project. The idea of creation of a new trading bloc in Eurasia serves as much an anchor of identity as a basis for pragmatic foreign policy. The paper examines regional dimensions of social identity construction in post-Soviet space, focusing on the competing images of "Europe" versus "Eurasia." By looking at the example of the SES, it seeks to clarify the role that regional identities and cultures play in politics of interstate cooperation in Europe and beyond. I argue that development of regional dimension to a national identity is a necessary first step towards the state's wider international integration.
Contributions by Whitney Jordan Adams, Wendy Atkins-Sayre, Jason Edward Black, Patricia G. Davis, Cassidy D. Ellis, Megan Fitzmaurice, Michael L. Forst, Jeremy R. Grossman, Cynthia P. King, Julia M. Medhurst, Ryan Neville-Shepard, Jonathan M. Smith, Ashli Quesinberry Stokes, Dave Tell, and Carolyn Walcott Southern rhetoric is communication’s oldest regional study. During its initial invention, the discipline was founded to justify the study of rhetoric in a field of white male scholars analyzing significant speeches by other white men, yielding research that added to myths of Lost Cause ideology and a uniquely oratorical culture. Reconstructing Southern Rhetoric takes on the much-overdue task of reconstructing the way southern rhetoric has been viewed and critiqued within the communication discipline. The collection reveals that southern rhetoric is fluid and migrates beyond geography, is constructed in weak counterpublic formation against legitimated power, creates a region that is not monolithic, and warrants activism and healing. Contributors to the volume examine such topics as political campaign strategies, memorial and museum experiences, television and music influences, commemoration protests, and ethnographic experiences in the South. The essays cohesively illustrate southern identity as manifested in various contexts and ways, considering what it means to be a part of a region riddled with slavery, Jim Crow laws, and other expressions of racial and cultural hierarchy. Ultimately, the volume initiates a new conversation, asking what southern rhetorical critique would be like if it included the richness of the southern culture from which it came.
The author proposes that the four earliest British North American colonies in the United States promoted the development of distinct regional identities and that this cultural legacy affected identity development as well as behavioral patterns differently in each region. He compares data from the North American colonies to the situation in England and discovers that the findings in the latter's eight standard regions are very similar to those in the United States.