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The idea for the book came from an event, the 14th General Elections in the country on 9 May 2018 that saw changes in the structure, personalities and systems in a Government. The New Malaysia Government that has come into power is only carrying on a political tradition in the form of the visioning process and the form of coalition politics that will work. The analysis is based on the methodology of scenario planning and futures studies and involved the identification of needs determinants and change drivers. All the similarities and differences in the scenarios and alternative futures presented and discussed in this book point to a much-required need for an analysis of the political change processes for the country.
This book focuses on new approaches in understanding the changing context of foreign policy decision-making in the country, historically and for the future. From the traditional mode of the domestic, external and personality traits of the respective prime ministers and their governments over the years, and the nature of their responses to keep up with the changes and to maintain continuity woth the past, all have a big influence ont their decisions. In the four case studies presented, the factors of political continuity managed by the leadership and those that emphasise history, decision-making, key issues, and big-picture and paradigmatic analysis, are considered together with the DIY foreign policy of Prime Minister Najib Razak, and the change in continuity foreign policy framework of Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad and the short-lived Pakatan Harapan government. The book closes with a look at the future of diplomacy in the world and the region amid the COVID-19 pandemic and the political uncertainties in the present government in the country.
This volume provides an introduction to the politics of the five key southeast Asian states - Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines - and is intended as a textbook for undergraduate and graduate students taking courses on this subject. Using a comparative politics and political economy perspective, the author focuses in particular on the degree of democracy in the five countries, arguing that in all the countries considered democracy is, to varying degrees, imperfect. The book synthesises a wide range of scholarship, and presents the material in a concise and accessible way.
This volume argues that the whole 'American Dream' is not about to fade away, while to many Americans, a 'New America' takes shape every time a president is changed. Both are in fact, the two sides of the same coin. On one side, in pursuit of the New America, all the three Presidents featured here - Obama, Trump, and Biden (in his first one hundred days) - have focused on as above in their domestic and foreign policies. On the reverse side, these can also function as guide posts for the respective administrations in their pursuit of the American Dream presented as efforts at nation branding, focusing on domestic and foreign affairs, the quest for greatness and democracy, and the Rule of Law. Despite what has occurred in the United States during the presidencies of Obama, Trump, and Biden, the book's perspective on the future of American politics and the presidency discussed will still remain valid for there is always 'a little bit of the old in the new'.
This book is a study of the political development of the Malaysian state of Sabah under the administration of Parti Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah (Berjaya - Sabah People's United Party), which controlled the state legislature between 1976 and 1985. It attempts to disentangle the three dominant themes within social scientific studies of Sabah: the issues of federalism, the politics of ethnicity, and the political economy of development. The book argues that the emergence of a developmental discourse under the Berjaya regime in Sabah can largely be traced to its failure to reconcile the localized ethnic politics of Sabah with the demands of a strong central state and thus the need to find an alternative strategy of political support and control. While this strategy proved effective when developmental growth was high during the first Berjaya administration (1976-81), the relative collapse of the state economy from 1982 onwards exposed its ethnic predilections and prefigured declining support for the regime, particularly among the non-Muslim bumiputera groups. Despite the consolidation of federal support for Berjaya under the Mahathir administration, the unravelling of the Berjaya project was by this stage unstoppable. In the final analysis, the attempt to create a more compliant state administration under Berjaya came undone precisely because it failed to take into account the localized dimension of politics in Sabah.
Malaysia is a Southeast Asian country that is located on the Malay Peninsula and the island of Borneo. It is a diverse country with a population of over 32 million people and is made up of various ethnic groups including Malays, Chinese, and Indians. The official language is Bahasa Malaysia, but English is widely spoken among the population. Malaysia has a tropical climate and is known for its beautiful beaches, rainforests, and wildlife. Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy, which means that it is ruled by a king and a government. The country's economy is based on exports of natural resources such as oil, gas, and palm oil. It has a growing industrial sector and is also a popular tourist destination. Malaysia is known for its rich cultural heritage, and visitors can experience a variety of traditions ranging from dances and music to food and clothing. Additionally, the country has a vibrant modern culture, with a growing music and arts scene. Overall, Malaysia is a fascinating country that combines tradition and modernity in a unique way.
Education in multiethnic societies is a subject of considerable debates in almost all parts of the world. These debates have invoked strongly-felt positions between competing ethnic groups over a host of issues that have a profound impact on the nation building process. Apart from deep-seated issues arising from contrasting internal demands over educational rights and equality, emerging issues arising from external influences such as the global spread of English as a result of globalisation have also impacted the nation building process of multiethnic societies. It is against this context that educational issues in multiethnic societies merit our attention. In the case of Malaysia, discourses over these issues are particularly intense and hotly contested by the different ethnic groups. This is primarily because of the extreme difficulties in mediating these complicated issues which are impinged by competing socio-cultural, economic and political interests. This book explores the contested terrains of education in multiethnic Malaysia. It comprises seven chapters that cover three crucial areas of educational provisions and delivery, namely education of ethnic minorities, education and national integration, and educational language policy. These three crucial areas are often the prime concerns of policy makers in multiethnic societies who have to tread a thin line in resolving these issues which are underpinned by intense coterminous interests and inter-ethnic competition, and having the potential to generate conflicts, contestation and power struggle. As far as the Malaysian policy makers are concerned, their efforts in resolving these issues have not been overly successful. It is most unfortunate that their policy decisions are at times influenced by competing political and ethnic interests rather than guided by sound theoretical underpinnings that could put the educational development of the country on a stronger platform and a clearer trajectory.
In The Roots of Resilience Meredith L. Weiss examines governance from the ground up in the world's two most enduring electoral authoritarian or "hybrid" regimes—Singapore and Malaysia—where politically liberal and authoritarian features blend, evading substantive democracy. Weiss explains that while key attributes of these regimes differ, affecting the scope, character, and balance among national parties and policies, local machines, and personalized linkages, the similarity in the overall patterns in these countries confirms the salience of those dimensions. The Roots of Resilience shows that high levels of authoritarian acculturation, amplifying the political payoffs of what parties and politicians actually provide their constituents, explain why electoral turnover alone is insufficient for real regime change in either state.
This book examines the evolution and major elements of China’s Belt-and-Road Initiative (BRI), a trillion-dollar project for the revival and refinement of ancient terrestrial and maritime trade routes. The author analyses the foreign policy and economic strategy behind the initiative as well as the geoeconomic and geopolitical impact on the region. Furthermore, he assesses whether the BRI has to be considered as a challenge to the US-led order, leading to a Sinocentric order in the 21st century. Offering two case studies on the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR), the book reveals the drivers motivating China and its partners in executing BRI projects, such as security of commodity-shipments, energy supplies, and explores trade volumes as well as the anxiety these trigger among critics. The book juxtaposes these to non-Chinese, specifically multilateral institutional and Western corporate, inputs into Beijing’s developmental planning-processes. It also identifies the role of combined Chinese-foreign stimuli in generating the policy priorities precipitating the BRI vision, and the geoeconomic essence of BRI’s implementation.