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Paul Myron Anthony Linebarger's 'The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen: An Exposition of the San Min Chu I' is a seminal work that delves into the political ideologies of the prominent Chinese leader, Sun Yat-sen. Linebarger provides a detailed analysis of Sun Yat-sen's Three Principles of the People, known as San Min Chu I, and how they influenced China's political landscape. The book is written in a scholarly and informative style, making it a valuable resource for those interested in Chinese political history and ideology. Linebarger's thorough examination of Sun Yat-sen's doctrines sheds light on their significance and relevance in modern times. Paul Myron Anthony Linebarger, also known by his pseudonym Cordwainer Smith, was a political scientist and East Asia expert with firsthand experience in China. His deep understanding of Chinese culture and politics informs his analysis of Sun Yat-sen's political doctrines. Linebarger's research and expertise make 'The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen' a comprehensive and insightful study. I highly recommend 'The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen' to readers interested in Chinese history, political theory, and the influence of Sun Yat-sen on modern China. Linebarger's meticulous research and scholarly approach make this book a must-read for anyone looking to deepen their understanding of Chinese politics.
The massive and complex process of change in East Asia over recent decades has brought about a transformation in the nature of law and legal institutions in the region. Whilst the process of change has to some degree mimicked western models of law and legal change, there have been significant differences in approach due to the different social foundations of East Asian societies. The more obvious of these has been the variety of ways in which rule of law ideas have been adopted in many East Asian countries where the role of the state is more dominant when compared with Western models. This volume brings together a selection of the most important writings on East Asia of researchers in recent years, and shows the broad range of questions which researchers have been addressing about the effect of law reform and legal change in societies dominated by traditional values and political forces, and at a time of massive economic change.
Eight years of changes in China have passed since the publication of the previous highly successful edition of this book. These changes have not just been about economic development. Among the many transformations there has been another quiet, peaceful, and largely successful (but far from perfect) ‘revolution’ in the area of law, whose deficiencies have been more often mercilessly examined and documented than have its historical achievements and significance. This legal ‘revolution’ is the subject matter of the present book. Like the previous edition, it examines the historical and politico-economic context in which Chinese law has developed and transformed, focusing on the underlying factors and justifications for changes. It attempts to sketch the main trends in legal modernisation in China, offering an outline of the main features of contemporary Chinese law and a clearer understanding of its nature from a developmental perspective. It offers comprehensive coverage of topics such as: ‘legal culture’ and modern law reform, constitutional law, legal institutions, law-making, administrative law, criminal law, criminal procedure law, civil law, property, family law, contracts, law on business entities, securities, bankruptcy, intellectual property, law on foreign investment and trade, and implementation of law. Fully revised, updated and considerably expanded, this editon of Chinese Law: Context and Transformation is a valuable and important resource for reasearchers, policy-makers and teachers alike.
This volume focuses on Sun Yat-sen's social, political, and economic ideas as seen in his major work, The Three Principles of the People, which discusses nationalism, democracy, and people's welfare, examining his doctrines as well as a his ideas with other contemporary ideologies.
First established as a cabinet system in Guangzhou in 1925, the Nationalist Government of China was replaced three years later by a presidential system under a unified Nationalist government in Nanjing. The cabinet government was restored in 1931 and existed until the presidential system was again installed by the 1936 constitution. Why did presidential and cabinet systems exist alternately during this formative period of the Nationalist government? Why was the presidential system finally adopted in 1936? Suisheng Zhao answers these and other questions fundamental to understanding authoritarian regimes in this pioneering study of the design of the Nationalist Government of China from 1925 to 1937. although scholars of comparative politics have shown great interest in the institutional choice between parliamentarianism and presidentialism in democratic countries, they have paid little attention to the study of constitutional frameworks in authoritarian settings. By offering a clear and original re-interpretation of the history of this power struggle between Chiang Kai-shek and his rivals over institutional design, Zhao challenges the conventional wisdom that has underestimated the importance of formal institutions in non-democratic regimes.Borrowing ideas from public choice theory, Zhao proposes that political actors who design governmental institutions are diven by power-maximization strategies just as business firms are driven by wealth-maximization strategies. Constitution-making reflects the underlying distribution of power among authoritarian leaders, who attempt to design political institutions that will consolidate their personal power and position. Thus, Zhao argues, if political actors possess more power resources than their rivals and anticipate themselves becoming dominant, they will choose the singular leadership of the presidential system. If they are in a weaker position and do not anticipate becoming dominant, they will prefer the collective leadership of the cabinet form of government.Notable for its persuasive integration of political science theory and the historical evidence, Power by Design is an insightful re-interpretation of Chinese history that will be welcomed by scholars of modern China and those interested in the consequences of the nationalist politics that continue to reverberate in contemporary Chine, as well as by comparative political scientists studying constitution-making and institutional design.
"In view of the 100th anniversary of the 1911 Revolution and Sun Yat-sen's relations with the Nanyang communities, the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies and the Chinese Heritage Centre came together to host a two-day bilingual conference on the three-way relations between Sun Yat-sen, Nanyang and the 1911 Revolution in October 2011 in Singapore. This volume is a collection of papers in English presented at the conference"--Backcover.
After the 1911 fall of the Manchus came the most hideous breakdown in Chinese history. Sheridan, a Northwestern University scholar, concentrates on the Kuomintang movement of Chiang Kai-shek, insisting that we judge a political force by whether it solves the problems posed to it, not, as Chiang's partisans prefer, by means of what-if's. Sheridan's focus on the KMT brings more to light than do many surveys of Mao's revolutionaries. The KMT failed either to create an effective dictatorship or to mobilize fascist passions which could ensure willingness to "sacrifice." Thus the difficulty in squeezing enough wealth out of the peasantry to meet a foreign debt which totaled half the national revenue. The KMT did ensure that forced opium production took up at least a fifth of Chinese cropland by the 1929-1933 period, and they consolidated a soldier recruitment system that approximated Nazi roundups. However, the book underlines Chiang's failure to give the masses a ""Strength through Joy"" spirit; and, as wartime inflation of 300% gave way to postwar collapse, the anti-Communist pitch became emptier and emptier. The Kuomintang turned into a mere holding operation and faded into chaos. Sheridan gives a strong sense of the rapine of the warlords who were Chiang's off-and-on allies, and of the feeble heritage of Sun Yat-sen's patriotic platitudes. He leaves out explicit investigation of the international context while underlining, more than most writers, Chiang's commitment to repay external debt at the expense of the Chinese people. A sound and striking approach to these decades of desperation in the lives of a quarter of the human population—if not bypassed in the glut of "China books," it may encourage students and academics to go further. —Kirkus Reviews