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A perfect storm of economic, diplomatic, and cultural concerns have brought about the Asianization of Asia, uniting the continent's many countries under a dominant framework of interests and trends. Pushing Asia's domain even further is a new and abiding relationship between Asia's three most industrialized economies and the Persian Gulf's six monoarchies. What began as a basic, twentieth-century marriage of convenience, founded on the trading of hydrocarbon, has now evolved into a complex, long-term commitment guaranteeing continuous exchange of resources and need. This bond has also strengthened the non-hydrocarbon, bilateral trade that facilitates wealth investments on both sides, building lucrative opportunities for Pacific-Asian contruction and, in China's case, its vast forces of labor. Christopher Davidson, an acclaimed expert on the Middle East's rapidly changing economy, details the eastern and western factors that have brought Asia and the Gulf closer together. Athough this relationship has yet to include military arrangements, evidence suggests that the two regions have bolstered other noneconomic ties.Davidson unravels the confusing links between these emerging powers and shows how their unique economic, political, geographical, and cultural identities both strengthen and threaten their future partnership.
In command of the world's largest hydrocarbon reserves and occupying a central role in both Middle Eastern and global politics, the six traditional monarchies--Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE)--that comprise the Gulf Cooperation Council are now among the most heavily researched yet most commonly misunderstood actors in the international system. Christopher Davidson, an acclaimed expert on the fast moving politics and economics of the Gulf, together with five other leading authorities on the region, has brought together a unique collection of comprehensive yet highly accessible analyses of these six states. Following a succinct theoretical overview of the various achievements, opportunities, and collective challenges faced by the monarchies, each chapter discusses their individual historical backgrounds, political structures, economic diversification efforts, and future prospects. Drawing on the latest research in the field, the most up-to-date statistics, and written in a frank and critical manner, this textbook is a valuable addition to university reading lists on Middle Eastern studies or political science, while also appealing to the general interest reader.
This compact, insightful book offers an up-to-the-minute guide to understanding the evolution of maritime territorial disputes in East Asia, exploring their legal, political-security and economic dimensions against the backdrop of a brewing Sino-American rivalry for hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region. It traces the decades-long evolution of Sino-American relations in Asia, and how this pivotal relationship has been central to prosperity and stability in one of the most dynamics regions of the world. It also looks at how middle powers – from Japan and Australia to India and South Korea – have joined the fray, trying to shape the trajectory of the territorial disputes in the Western Pacific, which can, in turn, alter the future of Asia – and ignite an international war that could re-configure the global order. The book examines how the maritime disputes have become a litmus test of China’s rise, whether it has and will be peaceful or not, and how smaller powers such as Vietnam and the Philippines have been resisting Beijing’s territorial ambitions. Drawing on extensive discussions and interviews with experts and policy-makers across the Asia-Pacific region, the book highlights the growing geopolitical significance of the East and South China Sea disputes to the future of Asia – providing insights into how the so-called Pacific century will shape up.
Noted Gulf expert Christopher Davidson contends that the collapse of these kings, emirs, and sultans is going to happen, and was always going to.
The Great Game in West Asia examines the strategic competition between Iran and Turkey for power and influence in the South Caucasus. These neighbouring Middle East powers have vied for supremacy and influence throughout the region and especially in their immediate vicinity, while both contending with ethnic heterogeneity within their own territories and across their borders. Turkey has long conceived of itself as not just a bridge between Asia and Europe but in more substantive terms as a central player in regional and global affairs. If somewhat more modest in its public statements, Iran's parallel ambitions for strategic centrality and influence have only been masked by its own inarticulate foreign policy agendas and the repeated missteps of its revolutionary leaders. But both have sought to deepen their regional influence and power, and in the South Caucasus each has achieved a modicum of success. In fact, as the contributions to this volume demonstrate, as much of the world's attention has been diverted to conflicts and flashpoints near and far, a new great game has been unravelling between Iran and Turkey in the South Caucasus.
In The Iran-UAE Gulf Islands Dispute, Charles Buderi and Luciana Ricart take the reader on a journey through centuries of Gulf history and evolving principles of international law on territorial disputes to reach conclusions over the rightful sovereign of three Gulf islands – Abu Musa and the Tunbs – claimed by both Iran and the United Arab Emirates. Drawing on a wide range of scholarly works and archival documents from sources as diverse as the Dutch East India Company, the Ottoman Empire and the British Government, Buderi and Ricart analyze historical events from antiquity up to modern times. Ultimately, the authors reach conclusions on the ownership of the islands under international law which challenge the positions of both parties.
This book discusses the threats and challenges facing the Persian Gulf and the future security in the region, providing an overview of the major regional and extra-regional actors in Gulf security. It argues that except for Iran, no regional or extra-regional actors, including the United States, China, India and Russia, have developed a strategy for Persian Gulf security, and only Turkey has expressed a willingness to provide security for the region. Importantly, the major threats to Persian Gulf security are nonconventional, rather than external, threats to Iranian hegemony or the balance of power. In conclusion, it predicts that the power struggle in the Persian Gulf in the coming decades will be between Iran and Turkey, and not between Iran and Saudi Arabia. This book is of interest to diplomats, journalists, international affairs specialists, strategists and scholars of Gulf politics and security and defence studies.
In the twenty-first century, the Indo-Pacific, which spans from the western Pacific Ocean to the western Indian Ocean along the eastern coast of Africa, has emerged as a crucial geostrategic region for trade, investment, energy supplies, cooperation, and competition. It presents complex maritime security challenges and interlocking economic interests that require the development of an overarching multilateral security framework. This volume develops common approaches by focusing on geopolitical challenges, transnational security concerns, and multilateral institution-building and cooperation. The chapters, written by a cross-section of practitioners, diplomats, policymakers, and scholars from the three major powers discussed (United States, China, India) explain the opportunities and risks in the Indo-Pacific region and identify specific naval measures needed to enhance maritime security in the region. Maritime Security in the Indo-Pacific opens by introducing the Indo-Pacific and outlining the roles of China, India, and the United States in various maritime issues in the region. It then focuses on the security challenges presented by maritime disputes, naval engagement, legal issues, sea lanes of communication, energy transport, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, as well as by nontraditional threats, such as piracy, terrorism, and weapons proliferation. It compares and contrasts the roles and perspectives of the key maritime powers, analyzing the need for multilateral cooperation to overcome the traditional and nontraditional challenges and security dilemma. This shows that, in spite of their different interests, capabilities, and priorities, Washington, Beijing and New Delhi can and do engage in cooperation to deal with transnational security challenges. Lastly, the book describes how to promote maritime cooperation by establishing or strengthening multilateral mechanisms and measures that would reduce the prospects for conflict in the Indo-Pacific region.
Analyzing the Korean Peninsula’s contemporary engagement with the Persian Gulf region from the 1950s to the present day, the book begins by asking the following question: What drew Koreans to the region in the first place and under what circumstances were they drawn there? While taking into account a combination of both external and internal factors shaping the dynamics of the Korean Peninsula’s interactions with the Persian Gulf region, this book largely concentrates on the agency factor to analyze the nature and scope of a rather multifaceted relationship between the two areas. The Republic of Korea has, in fact, maintained diverse connections to every single country in the Persian Gulf over the past several decades, and its rather considerable activities and accomplishments in the region all justify such an overwhelming focus. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s record in the Persian Gulf, however, is mostly limited to its relationship with Iran, though Pyongyang has pursued relationships with some other states in the region. This book studies the elements of Pyongyang’s actions in the region as an appendage to South Korea’s various political and economic achievements. Employing a process-tracing approach, this book will be of interest to policymakers, as well as to students and scholars of International Relations, Middle East Studies and Asian Studies.