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This book is an original case study of how memory has driven and challenged the Irish republican transition from armed conflict to constitutional politics that culminated in the acceptance of policing in the Northern Ireland state.
Fighting for Ireland? is the first in-depth account of the evolution of Irish Republican strategy. It is highly topical in the light of the faltering peace process and the growing speculation over the IRA's next move: further violence or a new non-violent strategy? This new, updated paperback edition is essential reading for those who wish to disentangle the complex issues and motives behind IRA violence. M.L.R. Smith challenges many assumptions about the IRA, pinpointing the organisation's successes as well as its missed opportunities. He demonstrates the tension the movement has experienced between ideology and strategic reality regarding the use of force, illustrating how doctrinal purity has sometimes hampered the IRA in the pursuit of its goals. Contrary to the Irish Republican movement's vigorous and assertive public face Smith uncovers an organisation characterised more by a sense of chronic insecurity than by certainty and continuity.
"Established in 1858, the Irish Republican Brotherhood was a secret, oath-bound movement dedicated to bringing about revolution in Ireland. This book is a result of a major conference to mark the 150th anniversary of the founding of the Irish Republican Brotherhood and includes essays on Fenianism in its diasporic, transnational and imperial context; political violence; republican ideology and popular politicisation; culture, religion and identity; and memory and commemoration. This is the first publication to consider Fenianism as the truly international phenomenon it represented and includes essays from international scholars assessing the impact of Fenianism - a movement founded in America by the Irish immigrant community - throughout Ireland, Britain, continental Europe, the Americas and Australasia. The book spans the full chronological range of Fenian movement, from its origins in the aftermath of the Young Ireland movement, through its existence as a mass revolutionary movement in the 1860's, the long period as an underground revolutionary conspiracy, culminating in its role as the driving force of the Irish revolution between 1916 and 1921. "
This is a wide-ranging analysis of the internal dynamics of Irish republicanism between the outbreak of ‘the Troubles’ in 1969 and the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. Engaging a vast array of hitherto unused primary sources alongside original and re-used oral history interviews, ‘The Age-Old Struggle’ draws upon the words and writings of more than 250 Irish republicans. This book scrutinises the movement's historical and contemporary complexity, the variety of influences within Irish republicanism, and divergent republican responses at pivotal moments in the conflict. Yet it also assesses the centripetal forces which connected republican organisations through decades of struggle. Across five thematic chapters, ‘The Age-Old Struggle’ offers new insights into republicanism’s multi-layered interactions with the global ’68, tactical and strategic change, revolutionary socialism, feminism, and religion. Drawing on political periodicals, ephemera, and interviews with activists throughout the ranks of several republican groups, the book roots its analysis in republicanism’s temporal and spatial complexity. It contends that the cultural significance of place, interactions with class and revolutionary politics, and shifting intra-movement networks are essential to understanding the movement’s dynamics since 1969.
The historian A. T. Q. Stewart once remarked that in Ireland all history is applied history—that is, the study of the past prosecutes political conflict by other means. Indeed, nearly twenty years after the 1998 Belfast Agreement, "dealing with the past" remains near the top of the political agenda in Northern Ireland. The essays in this volume, by leading experts in the fields of Irish and British history, politics, and international studies, explore the ways in which competing "social" or "collective memories" of the Northern Ireland "Troubles" continue to shape the post-conflict political landscape. The contributors to this volume embrace a diversity of perspectives: the Provisional Republican version of events, as well as that of its Official Republican rival; Loyalist understandings of the recent past as well as the British Army's authorized for-the-record account; the importance of commemoration and memorialization to Irish Republican culture; and the individual memory of one of the noncombatants swept up in the conflict. Tightly specific, sharply focused, and rich in local detail, these essays make a significant contribution to the burgeoning literature of history and memory. The book will interest students and scholars of Irish studies, contemporary British history, memory studies, conflict resolution, and political science. Contributors: Jim Smyth, Ian McBride, Ruan O’Donnell, Aaron Edwards, James W. McAuley, Margaret O’Callaghan, John Mulqueen, and Cathal Goan.
The Clinton administration's controversial decision to grant Sinn F�in leader Gerry Adams a visa to enter the U.S. and Adams's subsequent fundraising activities here have received wide media coverage. That the U.S. is playing a part in events concerning Northern Ireland should surprise no one. Americans of Irish descent have long used their economic and political power to influence events in Northern Ireland; this influence continues today as the two sides negotiate peace. Here Andrew J. Wilson tells the complex, fascinating story of Irish America's longtime role in the Ulster crisis. He sets the stage with a summary of Irish-American involvement in Irish politics from 1800 to 1968, and then focuses on the growth and development of both militant and constitutional nationalist groups in the U.S. and their impact on events in Northern Ireland and on British policies there. His gripping narrative is based on interviews with leading activists on both sides of the Atlantic and extensive research through government records, materials in private collections, newspapers, and letters. Wilson gives a comprehensive account of how militant Irish- American groups have supported the IRA through gunrunning, financial disbursements, and aid to members on the run. He analyzes tactics used by the various groups to win publicity and public sympathy for their cause and documents techniques employed by the FBI to break the gunrunning networks. In his examination of Irish-American support for constitutional nationalism, Wilson focuses on the influence of the Friends of Ireland group in Congress and its attempts to shape British policy in Ulster. He shows how the lobbying of prominent Irish-American politicians Edward M. Kennedy, Daniel P. Moynihan, Thomas P. O'Neill, and Hugh Carey influenced U.S. government policies and provided the Dublin government with leverage to use in diplomatic relations with the British. Wilson sheds light on the role played by the U.S. government, probes the activities of reconciliation and investment groups, and considers how Northern Ireland has been presented in the American media. This comprehensive study of Irish America's impact on the Troubles in Northern Ireland will be of immediate interest not only to Americans of Irish descent but to all with an interest in modern history and U.S.-British relations. Andrew J. Wilson was born in Dungannon, Northern Ireland, of mixed Protestant and Catholic ancestry. He studied at Manchester Polytechnic and Queen's University Belfast, and later earned his Ph.D. in European history from Loyola University of Chicago, where he now teaches. His writings have appeared in a number of journals, including Eire- Ireland, The Recorder, and The Irish Review. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ By far the best study of Irish America and the Northern Ireland problem.--Lawrence J. McCaffrey, Professor of History (Emeritus), Loyola University of Chicago
Fifteen minutes before five o'clock on Good Friday, 1998, Senator George Mitchell was informed that his long and difficult quest for an Irish peace accord had succeeded--the Protestants and Catholics of Northern Ireland, and the governments of the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom, would sign the agreement. Now Mitchell, who served as independent chairman of the peace talks for the length of the process, tells us the inside story of the grueling road to this momentous accord. For more than two years, Mitchell, who was Senate majority leader under Presidents Bush and Clinton, labored to bring together parties whose mutual hostility--after decades of violence and mistrust--seemed insurmountable: Sinn Fein, represented by Gerry Adams; the Catholic moderates, led by John Hume; the majority Protestant party, headed by David Trimble; Ian Paisley's hard-line unionists; and, not least, the governments of the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom, headed by Bertie Ahern and Tony Blair. The world watched as the tense and dramatic process unfolded, sometimes teetering on the brink of failure. Here, for the first time, we are given a behind-the-scenes view of the principal players--the personalities who shaped the process--and of the contentious, at times vitriolic, proceedings. We learn how, as the deadline approached, extremist violence and factional intransigence almost drove the talks to collapse. And we witness the intensity of the final negotiating session, the interventions of Ahern and Blair, the late-night phone calls from President Clinton, a last-ditch attempt at disruption by Paisley, and ultimately an agreement that, despite subsequent inflammatory acts aimed at destroying it, has set Northern Ireland's future on track toward a more lasting peace.
This book examines the grass-roots relationship between the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and the civilian population during the Irish Revolution. It is primarily concerned with the attempts of the militant revolutionaries to discourage, stifle, and punish dissent among the local populations in which they operated, and the actions or inactions by which dissent was expressed or implied. Focusing on the period of guerilla war against British rule from c. 1917 to 1922, it uncovers the acts of 'everyday' violence, threat, and harm that characterized much of the revolutionary activity of this period. Moving away from the ambushes and assassinations that have dominated much of the discourse on the revolution, the book explores low-level violent and non-violent agitation in the Irish town or parish. The opening chapter treats the IRA's challenge to the British state through the campaign against servants of the Crown - policemen, magistrates, civil servants, and others - and IRA participation in local government and the republican counter-state. The book then explores the nature of civilian defiance and IRA punishment in communities across the island before turning its attention specifically to the year that followed the 'Truce' of July 1921. This study argues that civilians rarely operated at either extreme of a spectrum of support but, rather, in a large and fluid middle ground. Behaviour was rooted in local circumstances, and influenced by local fears, suspicions, and rivalries. IRA punishment was similarly dictated by community conditions and usually suited to the nature of the perceived defiance. Overall, violence and intimidation in Ireland was persistent, but, by some contemporary standards, relatively restrained.