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"Bibliographical essay": p. 336-351.
In this riveting treatise, coauthors Bob Zelnick and Eva Zelnick sound the alarm on the debilitating effect that looming regulations, rules, and powerful interests would have on today's regulation-free Internet. The authors lay out the imminent threats—from “network neutrality” to FCC regulations—that would rob this global, society-changing, communication powerhouse forever of its full potential.
The history of the South in this century has been obscured in the ever-growing mass of information about the region's rapid change and turbulent development. In this book, Volume X of A History of the South, the historical image of the modern South is brought into full focus for the first time.George Brown Tindall presents a thorough and well-balanced historical narrative of the region during the years 1913--1945 when the South underwent a transformation from a predominantly agricultural area to one of growing industrialization.The inauguration of President Woodrow Wilson ended a half century of political isolation for the South and ushered in an era of agrarian reforms, prohibition, woman suffrage, industrial growth, and recurring crises for Southern farmers. During the 1920's the South was caught in a contrast of urban booms and farm distress. There were flareups of racial violence, and the Ku Klux Klan was revived. Mr. Tindall devotes considerable attention to the Southern literary renaissance which produced William Faulkner, Thomas Wolfe, and many other notable writers and critics.The Emergence of the New South provides a new understanding of the changing political and social climate in the South under the stresses of depression, the New Deal, the labor movement, Negro unrest, and two world wars.
The American Conception of Neutrality After 1941 by Jürg Martin Gabriel, is a study of global political history since 1941 with a particular emphasis on America's attitude to neutrality. This important revised and updated edition contains three entirely new chapters including an insightful new introduction and conclusion, drawing on newly released documentation, most importantly on Southeast Asia and the Vietnam War. Like the previous edition, this book looks at world affairs through the eyes of neutrality. It covers, amongst other issues, America's contribution to the decline of world-neutrality, the major economic and military events surrounding the Second World War, the founding of NATO and the problems of neutralism during the Vietnam War. This new edition, however, goes one step further to confirm, with fresh new evidence, e.g. the end of the Cold War and the Unification of Germany, the central thesis of the original volume. American foreign policy is an important topic of continuing interest.

The Neutral One is what we are at the core of being, the reconciliation of the seeming opposites of being. The Neutral One represents the Christ Self, the Sun of Righteousness, the Day star.

Although we cannot say what the Neutral One is, we Can. We can by saying and not saying what it is at the same time.

To describe the indescribable, we must do so without doing so. The Neutral One is what it is and what it is not too in reconciliation.

The Neutral One is that which is with us always, from everlasting to everlasting, without beginning or end. It is the beginning and the end of all things without being either, for it is ever before and after itself as two parts of the same thing.

The Neutral One is the living Christ that reconciles all things of heaven and earth unto one and delivers that unto God that God may be realized to be, indeed, the all in all dwelling in all.

Neutrality serves different purposes during times of war and peace. ‘Notions of Neutralities’ portrays those historical challenges that neutrals faced, and are still facing, to maintain some form of economic stability and political order as chaos and wars rage. Neutrals are exposed to existential issues and questions of civil-society, international politics, and morality, in a world defiant to principles of universal peace. Every age has its own armed conflicts and while the questions they raise are often the same, the answers are different because the international word order changes. Is neutrality justifiable even when the humanity of civilization is at risk as in the Second World War or the wars of the post-Cold War era? Can those who refuse the call to arms still act by providing humanitarian services to contain the impact of war or, on the contrary, are neutrals shut-off from global politics – mere weaklings that “suffer what they must?" This book addresses such questions through an interdisciplinary scholarship by some of the world’s foremost experts on neutrality. Twelve chapters tackle different but profound aspects of the concept over a span of five hundred years. They succinctly show the evolution of international norms in the context of war and peace. What is more, the essays portray fundamental categories of thinking about a variety of neutralities that the international system has produced in the past and present. The authors discuss the complexities of neutrality, providing a new and refreshing understanding of international relations and security for the past as well as for the multipolar world of the twenty-first century.
How do "no-fault," "gender-neutral" divorce reforms actually harm the lives of women and children they are designed to protect? Focusing on the language and symbols of reform, Martha Fineman argues that by advocating measures based on equality of treatment rather than of outcome, liberal feminists disregarded the socioeconomic factors that simultaneously place women at a disadvantage in the market and favor their taking on primary domestic responsibilities. She traces in persuasive detail the detrimental effects of equality rhetoric in shaping divorce law — such as the legal separation of parents' and children's interests; equality replacing need as the prime criterion for settlements; and the increase of state intervention into family life. More than a critique, this book is an incisive argument for adopting outcome-oriented measures and a valuable overview of the pitfalls of uncritically implementing any rhetoric as social policy.
Nobody should really have to point out that political philosophy is political. Yet in this highly original and provocative book Lorna Finlayson argues that in fact it is necessary to do so. Offering a critique of mainstream liberal political philosophy through close, critical engagement with a series of specific debates and arguments, Finlayson analyzes the way in which apparently neutral methodological devices such as “charitable interpretation” and “constructive criticism” function so as to protect against challenges to the status quo. At each stage, Finlayson demonstrates that political philosophy is suffering from a complex process of “de-politicization.” Even in cases where it appears that the dominant framework of liberal political philosophy is being strongly challenged—as, for example, in the case of the ‘realist’ critique of “ideal theory”—this book argues that the debate is set up in such a way as to impose strict limits on the kind of dissent that is possible. Only by dragging these hidden presuppositions into the foreground can we arrive at a clear-eyed appreciation of such debates, and perhaps look beyond the artificially constricted landscape in which they seek to confine us.