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What is the place of the Arab states as a new world order emerges? How can the Arab world respond positively to change as the new Europe emerges, political relationships are restructured, and the information revolution transforms the global economy? To what extent are the Arab states in danger of falling prey to increasing disunity and fragmentation? The book is the result of a major research programme in which Arab social scientists outline some of the paths which could be taken by the Arab world over the next 25 years. It presents a detailed analysis of resources in the Arab world – including population, employment, oil and water supplies and the trade and investment situation. The authors argue for greater popular participation and reassert the argument that only by pooling resources effectively can the Arab states establish their place in a world of national and supra-national blocs.
This set re-issues 4 volumes originally published between 1985 and 1991. They Examine the historical process of social formation that gave rise to the communal consciousness of the Arab nation and determined its sense of identityPresent detailed analysis of resources in the Arab world, including population, employment, oil and water suppliesDiscuss dimensions of Afro-Arab co-operation and the future of Afro-Arab RelationsAnalyse the relations between state and society in the Arab World.
Concentrating on the past, present and future relations of the peoples of Africa and the Arab world this book examines interaction between Arab and African countries; Africa and the Arab-Israeli conflict; Dimensions of Afro-Arab Cooperation. The book concludes with an open discussion on the future of Afro-Arab relations.
This book is a comprehensive examination of the historical process of social formation that gave rise to the communal consciousness of the Arab nation and determined its sense of identity. It aims to provide a historical context for the assessment of prevailing concepts and suggests hypotheses for the development of modern Arab consciousness. The book firstly traces Arab origins and the formation of Arab societies after the emergence of Islam, assessing the perspectives and factors that shaped the rise of the Arab nation in both practical and intellectual terms. It then examines the beginning of the Arab awakening and the course of its development in the latter half of the nineteenth century and the first two decades of the twentieth, focusing on the emergence of a nationalist perspective in the development of intellectual positions on patriotism and Arabism.
This set re-issues 4 volumes originally published between 1985 and 1991. They Examine the historical process of social formation that gave rise to the communal consciousness of the Arab nation and determined its sense of identityPresent detailed analysis of resources in the Arab world, including population, employment, oil and water suppliesDiscuss dimensions of Afro-Arab co-operation and the future of Afro-Arab RelationsAnalyse the relations between state and society in the Arab World.
The resurgence of Palestinian nationalism in the wake of the 1967 Arab-Israeli war tended to overshadow the fact that Palestinian national consciousness is not a new phenomenon, but traces its origins back to the time when the first stirrings of nationalism were being felt in many parts of the under-developed world. This work, first published in 1974, is based on both Arabic and Hebrew primary sources as well as English and French official and unofficial documents, and was the first detailed study of the infancy period of Palestinian nationalism. The book begins by establishing the position of Palestine and Jerusalem in Islamic history and their significance within the concepts of Islam, and outlines the social and political features of the Palestinian population at the beginning of the First World War. The author then charts in detail the development of Palestinian nationalism over the decade after the War. Two major forces influenced this development and reacted with it: Zionism, with its ambitious schemes for settling Jews in Palestine and creating a National Home for them there, and Arab nationalism on a wider scale, which was emerging spontaneously with the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and the spreading of ideas of self-determination. The growing threat posed by Zionism awoke the Palestinian population to the need for organization and the establishment of their own identity to oppose it, while the focus of their national aspirations widened or narrowed according to the ability which they felt at any given time to confront Zionism and achieve self-expression within a Palestinian rather than an all-Syrian national framework. The events of these turbulent years – the confrontations with the British, delegations, boycotts, proposals and rejections, the emergence of al-Hajj Amin al-Husayni, the Wailing Wall conflict and its repercussions – are all described within the context of these wider considerations, which also include Britain’s own role as holder of the Mandate over Palestine.
Until 1973 few people, either in the advanced, industrial countries or in the developing countries of the Third World, thought seriously on the issues and complexities involved in the production and marketing of the oil on which they relied. It was only with the sudden steep increases in oil prices that the oil industry became a matter of general discussion, and the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) became a front page topic for analysis and comment. However, real understanding of the organisation and its policies did not accompany this rush of interest and much confusion has followed. In particular, the Arab exporters have received the weight of the criticism although they have only a share in the market and not a monopoly. This book attempts to instil a greater mutual understanding between oil exporters and importers, although it is not a wholesale endorsement of Arab policies, by outlining the major policy areas in this field. It looks at new policy options and their implications in exploration, marketing and pricing and at downstream operations such as the petrochemical and gas industries. In conclusion, this study identifies the wide-ranging opportunities that the new oil policies have opened up for the Arab countries, in the national, regional and international context, and assesses and clarifies the responsibilities which accompany this success. First published in 1983.
Examines how political rule in Arab countries is effectuated, organized, and executed, and how authoritarianism works in practice and how it can be grasped conceptually.
Born in 1945, the United Nations came to life in the Arab world. It was there that the UN dealt with early diplomatic challenges that helped shape its institutions such as peacekeeping and political mediation. It was also there that the UN found itself trapped in, and sometimes part of, confounding geopolitical tensions in key international conflicts in the Cold War and post–Cold War periods, such as hostilities between Palestine and Iraq and between Libya and Syria. Much has changed over the past seven decades, but what has not changed is the central role played by the UN. This book’s claim is that the UN is a constant site of struggle in the Arab world and equally that the Arab world serves as a location for the UN to define itself against the shifting politics of its age. Looking at the UN from the standpoint of the Arab world, this volume collects some of the finest scholars and practitioners writing about the potential and the problems of a UN that is framed by both the promises of its Charter and the contradictions of its member states. This is a landmark book—a close and informed study of the UN in the region that taught the organization how to do its many jobs.
This book is both a history and contemporary analysis. Charting the main turnpoints as the growth of cities, trade routes, the petroleum industry and growth of the authoritarian state the author argues that central bureaucratic control is limiting growth. He describes the state as governed by the interests of the ruling family who continue to block opportunities for social mobility. He is also critical of the lack of a broad, productive base in the economy, the export of capital and its effect on investment in local resources, as well as the technological dependence on the West.