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The EU's engagement in the Asia-Pacific / Michael Reiterer -- The EU in the non-European world : the case of ASEAN and Myanmar / Ludovica Marchi -- The EU's engagement of Myanmar in security cooperation / Ludovica Marchi -- Myanmar broadens its foreign relations : the European Union / Ludovica Marchi -- European and Chinese development cooperation in the context of ASEAN : the case of Myanmar / Thomas Henökl and Christian Webersik -- The Rohinya issue : can the EU contribute to the solution? / Sophie Boisseau du Rocher -- The EU and Myanmar in the post-2016 scenario : setting a constructive tone for peace / Moe Thuzar.
This book analyses European foreign policy as the activity of the European Union (EU) as a global actor and explores its efforts to raise its visibility in Southeast Asia through its relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and Myanmar. Contributors examine the EU’s engagement in a process of dynamic consolidation of its relationship with Asia and the Pacific region. They shed light on how interregional relations with ASEAN and interactions with Myanmar can be viewed as a perfect opportunity to promote the EU’s presence in the region. Chapters examine the EU’s efforts to inspire Myanmar to connect with security cooperation and Myanmar’s engagement with the EU to diversify its foreign relations with China. The book also explores the extent to which the EU has failed regarding the Rohingya crisis and whether the EU’s effort to support the peace process in Myanmar has been beneficial. A timely and important contribution to the growing literature on the EU’s role in the world and its relations with East and Southeast Asia, this book will be of interest to academics in the field of International Relations, European Politics and Foreign Policy, Comparative Regionalism, East Asian and Southeast Asian Studies.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations is a miracle. Why?In an era of growing cultural pessimism, many thoughtful individuals believe that different civilisations-especially Islam and the West-cannot live together in peace. The ten countries of ASEAN provide a thriving counter-example of civilizational co-existence. Here 625m people live together in peace. This miracle was delivered by ASEAN.In an era of growing economic pessimism, where many young people believe that their lives will get worse in coming decades, Southeast Asia bubbles with optimism. In an era where many thinkers predict rising geopolitical competition and tension, ASEAN regularly brings together all the world's great powers.Stories of peace are told less frequently than stories of conflict and war. ASEAN's imperfections make better headlines than its achievements. But in the hands of thinker and writer Kishore Mahbubani, the good news story is also a provocation and a challenge to the rest of the world.This excellent book explains, in clear and simple terms, how and why ASEAN has become one of the most successful regional organizations in the world. - George YeoA powerful and passionate account of how, against all odds, ASEAN transformed the region and why Asia and the world need it even more today. - Amitav Acharya
Laws and regulations affect the daily lives of businesses and citizens. High-quality laws promote national welfare and growth, while badly designed laws hinder growth, harm the environment and put the health of citizens at risk. This report analyses practices to improve the quality of laws ...
The European Union has devoted growing attention to sanctions since the entry into force of the Maastricht Treaty. In total, the Council has imposed Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) sanctions targeting countries, economic sectors, groups, individuals and entities on 27 different occasions. The novelty in the area of sanctions is that targets are not only states, as in the recent cases of Iran and Syria, but they are also individuals and non-state entities, e.g. anti-terrorist lists, President Robert Mugabe and his associates, and several companies connected with the military junta in Burma/Myanmar. Additionally, the contexts in which sanctions are utilised can be diverse, ranging from the protection of human rights to crisis management and non-proliferation. Despite the fact that the effectiveness of sanctions has been much debated, the EU has developed a sanctioning policy and intensified its adoption of sanctions. Sanctions were traditionally seen as a way to impose economic penalties as a means of extracting political concessions from targets, but EU sanctions do not always impose a cost nor do they always seek to induce behavioural change. To this extent, a new narrative may be needed.
Amidst the Eurozone crisis, the European Union (EU) is stepping up its dialogue and engagement with and within Southeast Asia. The EU’s contemporary approach towards Asia emphasises the importance of open economies and common challenges of the 21st Century. So-called non-traditional security issues have been portrayed increasingly as an avenue to share experiences and enhance cooperation between the EU and Southeast Asia. This contemporary conceptual re-orientation demands a closer look at the EU as an actor in Southeast Asia. This book is the first contemporary monograph-length discussion of the EU as a politico-security actor in in the region post-Cold War. Drawing upon the historical and institutional context and a broad range of empirical case studies, it considers the non-traditional security crises of the late 1990s and early 2000s in Southeast Asia as triggers for enhanced regional and inter-regional cooperation. In doing so, the book construes new insights into our understanding of the EU as a global actor and its normative influence in regions far away from Europe. Providing a crisis-centric and sector-specific analysis which is much-needed, the book will be of interest to scholars of Southeast Asian Politics and European Politics, as well as policy-makers.
Brussels made democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and good governance its top co-operation priorities in the EU Strategy Framework towards Central Asia for 2007?2013. This book examines two interrelated questions: To what extent has EU democracy promotion in Central Asia been successful? And, to the extent that it was successful, why was it so? The book presents a comprehensive analytical framework for the evaluation of democracy promotion, including factors which may facilitate or hinder democratic development in Central Asia.
Is the EU isolated within the emergent multipolar world? Concentrating on interregional relations and focussing on the European Union’s (EU) evolving international role with regards to regional cooperation, this innovative book collects a set of fresh empirical analyses of interregional ties binding the EU with its Eastern and Southern neighbourhood, as well as with Asia, Africa and the Americas. The 25 leading authors from 5 continents have contributed original and diverse chapters and the book advances a novel theoretical ‘post-revisionist’ approach beyond both the Eurocentrism of ‘Europe First’ perspectives as well as the Euroscepticism of those advocating to simply move ’Beyond Europe’. After a Foreword by A. Acharya, the book’s five sections reflect the main drivers of EU interregional policies: The European Union as a Sophisticated Laboratory of Regional and Interregional Cooperation (with chapters by M. Telò, L. Fawcett and T. Risse), De Facto Drivers of Regionalism (F. Ponjaert, M. Shu, A. Valladão and C. Jakobeit), De Jure Drivers of Regionalism (S. Lavenex, G. Finizio, C. Jakobeit, R. Coman, C. Cocq & S. Teo L-Shah), Cognitive Drivers of Regionalism (J. Rüland, E. Fitriani, S. Stavridis & S. Kingah, P. Bacon), and Instrumental Drivers of Regionalism (B. Delcourt, C. Olsson & G. Müller, A. Malamud & P. Seabra and L. Fioramonti & J. Kostopoulos).
This timely book scrutinises the mechanisms for guaranteeing respect for the rule of law in the European legal system. Focusing on external relations, it assesses the capacity of the EU to disseminate these values as a global actor and offers novel suggestions for how this capacity could be exercised more effectively.
Human rights in the external relations of the EU may manifest itself in different manners; one of them is the conditionality policy that the EU applies to third countries. This study intends to explore the modalities of this conditionality policy, as well as its nature and reach. It also analyzes how the policy could be improved and be made more coherent and effective. The point of departure is the division made between two modes of conditionality: ex ante and ex post. In the first case the EU issues conditions, which must be fulfilled before the negotiation or conclusion of a given agreement or an action with a view to strengthening the relations. The second case, conditionality ex post , is when conditions are allready part of an agreement or an established relation. The so-called human rights clause, or democratic clause, incarnates the second modality. This study explores both types of conditionality, but puts a special emphasis on the second, given its legal nature, its reciprocity, and its systematic inclusion in all framework agreements. It is argued here that this clause could represent the basis of a fully-fledged human rights policy of EU. At present, however, the implementation of the clause has been fragmentary. The interpretation that has prevailed (the human rights clause being a mechanism of exclusively punitive nature), has constituted an obstacle for its implementation. In addition, the clause has been activated only as a response to breaches of democratic principles (and not human rights) in the ACP countries ( and not other regions). The human rights clause has been the victim of the 'sectorial approaches' where policy choices were determined by the instrument at issue. It is about time for the EU to revisit the interpretation of the clause in order to make of it a dynamic instrument, integrated in a global and coherent external human rights policy.