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Following the Treaty of Lisbon, The European Council has been given the power to adopt and implement an internal security strategy. it did so in March 2010, and this was followed in November by a Commission communication setting out the priorities, and how to implement them. The communication sets out five steps towards a more secure Europe: The disruption of international crime networks, The prevention of terrorism, security in cyberspace, improved border management, and increased resilience to crises and disasters. Of these cyber-security is a comparative newcomer and it is now clear that it can lead to massive disruption of state infrastructure, and can be used for espionage, terrorism, even war. As such, much of the evidence received concerned the role which the EU might play in fighting cyber-attacks. The Commission's main proposal is to set up a new Cybercrime Centre. This might be no more than a talking shop, but it could become a useful tool for investigating and analysing past attacks, improving law enforcement and preventing future attacks. Much will depend on whether it is given adequate resources. The Committee looked at the implementation of the strategy and at the way in which it overlaps with national and international strategies, In the hope that they can be mutually supportive. The Council has a new committee, which, under the Treaties, has the duty of coordinating all the work on internal security. Unless it does so effectively very little can be achieved; if it properly fulfils its mandate, The EU may play a valuable role in protecting the security of its citizens.
This collection of papers examines a variety of areas and issues related to, or raised by, the EU Internal Security Strategy. It covers such matters as critical infrastructure protection and environmental crime, from a range of disciplinary perspectives, including law, geography and politics. The EU Internal Security Strategy is becoming increasingly complex as it develops over time, as it has to operate against the background of growing diversity in law enforcement systems across EU member states. It is clear that the EU Internal Security Strategy is, and will continue to be for a long time, a work in progress, not only in its aim to address traditional transnational security threats, but also in reacting to emerging concerns, either in new crime areas or issues arising from the implementation of earlier phases of the strategy. This will be a subject matter for many academic discipline areas for some time to come.
This volume offers a coherent analysis of the European Union’s security strategies within a comparative framework. If the EU is to survive and prosper as an effective security actor, it requires that greater attention be devoted to taking a cohesive and common position on the relationship between EU foreign policy means and goals. The major claim of this edited collection is that there is a European grand security strategy that disciplines member state security strategies. That grand strategy has two distinct substantive goals: (1) the preservation and expansion of the EU system of security governance; and (2) the implementation of specific strategies to meet internal and external threats and sources of insecurity. The EU has sought to develop a grand security strategy that not only accounts for the proliferation of threats possessing a military or non-military character and differentiates between core and peripheral regions of interest, but also addresses the requirements to bridge the increasingly blurred boundary between internal and external security threats and the necessary reconciliation of the competing security preferences of its member states. The empirical contributions to this volume examine the EU security strategies for specific issue areas and regional threat complexes. These case studies assess whether and how those strategies have consolidated or expanded the EU system of security governance, as well as their successes and limitations in meeting the security threats confronting the EU and its member-states. This volume will be of great interest to students of EU policy, foreign policy, security studies and IR.
The Joint Committee on Human Rights concludes that the current statutory framework does not provide effective protection for human rights. The rights most often relevant to extradition are: prohibition of torture; fair trial; liberty and security; private and family life; and prohibition of discrimination. The Committee calls on the Government to spell out detailed safeguards in the statutory framework. Parliament should be asked to commence the "most appropriate forum" safeguard in the Police and Criminal Justice Act 2006 and that a requirement for the requesting country to show a prima facie case or similarly robust evidential threshold should be introduced in extradition cases. The most appropriate forum safeguard would require the judge to consider whether it is in the interests of justice for the individual to be tried in the requesting country - and to refuse the extradition request if it is not. The committee also calls for negotiated changes to the European Arrest Warrant, a review of the provision of legal representation. The committee also concludes that the power of the Secretary of State to refuse extradition to non-EU countries should not be extended. The powers of the judge in an extradition case should instead ensure adequate protection of rights.
Review of the Stockholm Programme (2010-2014) and recommendations for the successor JHA programme.
The report EU Police and Criminal Justice Measures: The UK's 2014 Op-out Option (HL 159) examines the consequences to the UK should the Government choose to opt-out of approximately 130 EU police and criminal justice measures, that were adopted before the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009. The European Arrest Warrant (EAW) is the single most important pre-Lisbon police and criminal justice measure and, if the Government decides to exercise the opt-out, the Committee recommends that it should opt back in to the EAW immediately, to avoid any gap in its application. The Committee also expresses particular concern about the potential impact that the opt-out, including the loss of the EAW, could have on efforts by the UK and Ireland to effectively tackle cross-border crime, and does not believe that possible alternatives to the EAW would be adequate. The Committee concludes that the Government has not made a convincing case to opt-out and that to do so would h
In 2008, an estimated 34billion euros was spent on the drugs problem in the EU. Much more needs to be done - and must be done - in the battle against the EU's drugs problem. The EU must be more effective in its fight against drugs trafficking, and should call on Member States to be more ready to learn from each other's experiences and to encourage cross-border dialogue between their local governments and cities. Following a six month-long inquiry, the Committee agree that the Member States should, as now, retain responsibility for their own drugs policies. They recommend that the new EU Strategy should concentrate on three key areas. Firstly, co-ordination, through Europol, of the fight against drug trafficking ensuring that any new measures actually reduce the supply of drugs and do not merely move trafficking elsewhere. Secondly, improvement of the collection, analysis, evaluation and distribution of information by the European Monitoring Centre. Thirdly, reliance on the EU's public health obligations and use of public health duties to encourage Member States to devote more resources to harm reduction and to engage in dispassionate and evidence-based discussions on how best to treat the possession and use of drugs. The Committee believes that the creation of a new drugs strategy, lasting until 2020, should provide the perfect platform for a wider and better informed public debate on different Member States' policies and approaches
The EU's next Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) will run from 2014 to 2020 and will dictate much of what the EU does until the end of this decade. The Government oppose any increase in real terms, and this position has dominated their response to the Commission's proposals. This report considers the Commission's detailed proposals for this seven year budget in the context of the euro area crisis and uncertain growth figures for the start of the next MFF. It aims to take each of the key proposals on its own merit and makes recommendations for both budgetary restraint and budgetary increases where these are justified. The Committee are broadly supportive of the Commission's proposed budget and reforms for cohesion funding, including the Common Strategic Framework, which forms part of the Commission's simplification agenda. However they remain opposed to the proposal to introduce macroeconomic conditionality; withdrawing funds from an ailing economy only risks making matters worse.
This report covers the work of the Committee and its seven sub-committees during the 2010-12 Session, which ran from 25 May 2010 to 1 May 2012
This book examines the role of agencies and agency-like bodies in the EU’s Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ).When the Maastricht Treaty entered into force on 1 November 1993, the institutional landscape of the so-called ‘Third Pillar’ looked significantly different than it does now. Aside from Europol, which existed only on paper at that time, the European agencies examined in this book were mere ideas in the heads of federalist dreamers or were not even contemplated. Eventually, Europol slowly emerged from its embryonic European Drugs Unit and became operational in 1999. Around the same time, the European Union (EU) unveiled plans in its Tampere Programme for a more extensive legal and institutional infrastructure for internal security policies. Since then, as evidenced by the chapters presented in this book, numerous policy developments have taken place. Indeed, the agencies now operating in the EU’s Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) are remarkable in the burgeoning scope of their activities, as well as their gradually increasing autonomy vis-à-vis the EU member states and the institutions that brought them to life. This book was published as a special issue of Perspectives on European Politics and Society.