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A biography of James A. Garfield, his rise from humble beginnings to become the twentieth President of the United States, only to be assassinated four months later; and describes how his death could have been avoided by more competent medical care.
(Partial summary) The early part of volume 2 covers Garfield's visit to the Bitterroot in 1872. Includes information on Chief Charlot, Chief Looking-Glass, Chief Eagle-Against-the-Light, Jocko Reservation, and Father Lawrence Palladino.
"A brilliant book, which brings historical analysis of religion in American culture to a new level of insight and importance." —New York Times Book Review Catholicism and American Freedom is a groundbreaking historical account of the tensions (and occasional alliances) between Catholic and American understandings of a healthy society and the individual person, including dramatic conflicts over issues such as slavery, public education, economic reform, the movies, contraception, and abortion. Putting scandals in the Church and the media's response in a much larger context, this stimulating history is a model of nuanced scholarship and provocative reading.
Insulting the president is an American tradition. From Washington to Trump, presidents have been called "lazy," "feeble," "pusillanimous," and more. Our leaders have been derided as "ignoramuses," "idiots," "morons," and "fatheads," and have been compared to all manner of animals--worms and whales and hyenas, sad jellyfish, strutting crows, lap dogs, reptiles, and monkeys. Political insults tell us what we value in our leaders by showing how we devalue them. In Dangerous Crooked Scoundrels, linguist Edwin Battistella collects over five hundred insults aimed at American presidents. Covering the broad sweep of American history, he puts insults in their place-the political and cultural context of their times. Along the way, Battistella illustrates the recurring themes of political insults: too little intellect or too much, inconsistency or obstinacy, worthlessness, weakness, dishonesty, sexual impropriety, appearance, and more. The kinds of insults we use suggest what our culture finds most hurtful, and reveal society's changing prejudices as well as its most enduring ones. How we insult presidents and how they react tells us about the presidents, but it also tells us about our nation's politics. Readers discover how the style of insults evolves in different historical periods: gone are "apostate," "mountebank," "flathead," and "doughface." Say hello to "moron," "jerk," "asshole," and "flip-flopper." Dangerous Crooked Scoundrels covers the broad sweep of American history, from the founder's debates over the nature of government to world wars and culture wars and social media. Whatever your politics, you'll find Dangerous Crooked Scoundrels an invaluable source of invigorating invective-and a healthy perspective on today's political climate.
Relations between the press and politicians in modern America have always been contentious. In The Press Gang, Mark Summers tells the story of the first skirmishes in this ongoing battle. Following the Civil War, independent newspapers began to separate themselves from partisan control and assert direct political influence. The first investigative journalists uncovered genuine scandals such as those involving the Tweed Ring, but their standard practices were often sensational, as editors and reporters made their reputations by destroying political figures, not by carefully uncovering the facts. Objectivity as a professional standard scarcely existed. Considering more than ninety different papers, Summers analyzes not only what the press wrote but also what they chose not to write, and he details both how they got the stories and what mistakes they made in reporting them. He exposes the peculiarly ambivalent relationship of dependence and distaste among reporters and politicians. In exploring the shifting ground between writing the stories and making the news, Summers offers an important contribution to the history of journalism and mid-nineteenth-century politics and uncovers a story that has come to dominate our understanding of government and the media.
For two centuries, Catholicism has played a profound and largely unexamined role in America's political and intellectual life. Emphasizing the community over the individual, Catholics have alternately challenged and supported American liberals on a variety of controversial issues, including slavery, public education, economic reform, the movies, contraception, the nuclear arms race and abortion. The story of Catholicism is also international, as Catholics and non-Catholics reacted to people, ideas and events abroad, from the 1848 revolutions to the rise of European fascism in the 1930s and the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s. This history of both Catholicism and anti-Catholicism puts the sexual-abuse scandal in the Church of the early 21st century and the media's response into a larger context.
A biography of the “influential and engaging character” who courted Congress with food, wine, and gifts in the post-Civil War era (The Washington Post Book World). King of the Lobby tells the story of how one man harnessed delicious food, fine wine, and good conversation to become the most influential lobbyist of the Gilded Age. Scion of an old and honorable family, best friend of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, and charming man-about-town, Sam Ward held his own in an era crowded with larger-than-life personalities. Living by the motto that the shortest route between a pending bill and a congressman’s “aye” was through his stomach, Ward elegantly entertained political elites in return for their votes. At a time when waves of scandal washed over Washington, the popular press railed against the wickedness of the lobby, and self-righteous politicians predicted that special interests would cause the downfall of democratic government, Sam Ward still reigned supreme. By the early 1870s, he had earned the title “King of the Lobby,” cultivating an extraordinary network of prominent figures and a style that survives today in the form of expensive golf outings, extravagant dinners, and luxurious vacations. Kathryn Allamong Jacob’s account shows how the king earned his crown, and how this son of wealth and privilege helped to create a questionable profession in a city that then, as now, rested on power and influence. “Her extensive research is reflected in her recounting of Ward’s life, successfully putting it into the context of the history of lobbying...will appeal to American history buffs.” —Publishers Weekly
Treason is the only crime explicitly defined in America’s Constitution. Relatively few Americans have been convicted of it. Far more have had the poisonous word thrown at them. Through the cases of Americans who—whether acting in defense of their country, for personal gain, or simply when society had redefined treasonous activity—were accused of betraying their country, though not charged with the ultimate crime against one’s nation, If This Be Treason tackles the complicated question of where dissent ends and betrayal begins. Jeremy Duda covers the gamut of American history, from the earliest days of the republic, when George Logan’s act of unauthorized diplomacy kept his fledgling country out of war with France but so outraged his enemies that Congress passed a law to prevent it from ever happening again, to today as Edward Snowden remains an international fugitive for exposing the government’s spying on its own citizens. Among other examples are diplomatic envoy Nicholas Trist, who betrayed his president’s order to return home so he could negotiate a just treaty with a vanquished foe; former congressman Clement Vallandigham, who was exiled from his own country for speaking out against Lincoln’s prosecution of the Civil War; and Richard Nixon, who scuttled a peace deal to end the war in Vietnam. “If this be treason, make the most of it!” So proudly declared Patrick Henry, accused of treason for opposing the Stamp Act imposed by Great Britain on its American colonies. Throughout history, Americans have toed the line between treason and dissent. Exactly where that line is has remained difficult to ascertain. But these cases serve as a fascinating way to explore and interpret where dissent ends and betrayal begins..
The religious reform tradition known as the Stone-Campbell movement came into being on the American frontier in the early decades of the nineteenth century. Named for its two principal founders, Barton W. Stone and Alexander Campbell, its purpose was twofold: to restore the church to the practice and teaching of the New Testament and, by this means, to find a basis for reuniting all Christians. Today, there are three major branches of the Stone-Campbell tradition: the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ), Churches of Christ, and Christian Churches/Churches of Christ. This volume brings together twenty-six essays drawn from the significant scholarship on the Stone-Campbell Movement that has flourished over the past twenty years. Reprinted from diverse scholarly journals and concentrating on historiographic issues, the essays consider such topics as the movement's origins, its influence on the presidency, its presence in Britain, and its multicultural aspects. In their introduction, Casey and Foster reveal the connections between this scholarship and larger issues of American history, religion, and culture. They note that David Edwin Harrell Jr., and Richard T. Hughes--both of whom are represented in the collection--have provided competing paradigms of the social and intellectual history of the movement: While Harrell defends the legitimacy of the sectarian "non-institutional" Churches of Christ, Hughes legitimizes the current progressive movement found in Churches of Christ. Casey and Foster propose six additional historiographic constructs as alternatives to those of Harrell and Hughes and assess each paradigm's implications for the scholarship of the movement. The first major survey of research on the Stone-Campbell movement in a quarter of a century, this book will also serve as an invaluable resource for scholars of American religious movements in general. The Editors: Michael W. Casey is professor the communication at Pepperdine University. He is the author of The Battle Over Hermeneutics in the Stone-Campbell Movement, 1800-1870 and Saddlebags, City Streets, and Cyberspace: A History of Preaching in the Churches of Christ. Douglas A. Foster is associate professor of church history and director of the Center for Restoration Studies at Abilene Christian University. He is author of Will the Cycle Be Unbroken? Churches of Christ Face the Twenty-First Century and co-author of The Crux of the Matter: Crisis, Tradition, and the Future of Churches of Christ. The Contributors: Peter Ackers, Louis Billington, Monroe Billington, Paul M. Blowers, Michael W. Casey, Anthony L. Dunnavant, David B. Eller, Philip G. A. Griffin-Allwood, Jean F. Hankins, David Edwin Harrell Jr., Nathan O. Hatch, L. Edward Hicks, Richard T. Hughes, Deryck W. Lovegrove, John L. Morrison, Russ Paden, Paul D. Phillips, William C. Ringenberg, Stephen Vaughn, Earl Irvin West, Mont Whitson, Glenn Michael Zuber.
An “ambitious, thorough, supremely researched” (The Washington Post) biography of the extraordinary, tragic life of America’s twentieth president—James Garfield. In “the most comprehensive Garfield biography in almost fifty years” (The Wall Street Journal), C.W. Goodyear charts the life and times of one of the most remarkable Americans ever to win the Presidency. Progressive firebrand and conservative compromiser; Union war hero and founder of the first Department of Education; Supreme Court attorney and abolitionist preacher; mathematician and canalman; crooked election-fixed and clean-government champion; Congressional chieftain and gentleman-farmer; the last president to be born in a log cabin; the second to be assassinated. James Abram Garfield was all these things and more. Over nearly two decades in Congress during a polarized era—Reconstruction and the Gilded Age—Garfield served as a peacemaker in a Republican Party and America defined by divisions. He was elected to overcome them. He was killed while trying to do so. President Garfield is American history at its finest. It is about an impoverished boy working his way from the frontier to the Presidency; a progressive statesman, trying to raise a more righteous, peaceful Republic out of the ashes of civil war; the tragically imperfect course of that reformation, and the man himself; a martyr-President, whose death succeeded in nudging the country back to cleaner, calmer politics.