Download Free The Change Of Signposts In The Ukrainian Emigration Book in PDF and EPUB Free Download. You can read online The Change Of Signposts In The Ukrainian Emigration and write the review.

The failure of the attempts to create a Ukrainian state during the 1917-21 revolution created a large Ukrainian émigré community in Central Europe which, due to its experience of fighting the Bolsheviks, developed a decidedly anti-Communist ideology of integral nationalism. However, during the 1920s some in the Ukrainian emigration rejected this doctrine and began to advocate reconciliation with their former enemies and return to Soviet Ukraine. This included some of the most prominent figures in the Ukrainian governments set up after 1917, for example Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, Volodymyr Vynnychenko, and Yevhen Petrushevych. On the basis of published and unpublished writings of the Sovietophile émigrés, Christopher Gilley reconstructs and analyzes the arguments used to justify cooperation with the Bolsheviks. In particular, he contrasts those who supported the Soviet regime because they saw the Bolsheviks as leaders of the international revolution with those who stressed the apparent national achievements of the Soviet Ukrainian republic. In addition, Gilley examines Soviet policy towards pro-Soviet émigrés and the relationship between the émigrés and the Bolsheviks using documents from historical archives in Kyiv. The Ukrainian movement is compared to a similar phenomenon in the Russian emigration, "Smena vekh" ("Change of Signposts"). The book contributes to the study of the era of the New Economic Policy and Ukrainianization in the Soviet Union as well as to the histories of the Ukrainian emigration in the 1920s and of Ukrainian political thought.
The failure of the attempts to create a Ukrainian state during the 1917-21 revolution created a large Ukrainian émigré community in Central Europe which, due to its experience of fighting the Bolsheviks, developed a decidedly anti-Communist ideology of integral nationalism. However, during the 1920s some in the Ukrainian emigration rejected this doctrine and began to advocate reconciliation with their former enemies and return to Soviet Ukraine. This included some of the most prominent figures in the Ukrainian governments set up after 1917, for example Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, Volodymyr Vynnychenko, and Yevhen Petrushevych. On the basis of published and unpublished writings of the Sovietophile émigrés, Christopher Gilley reconstructs and analyzes the arguments used to justify cooperation with the Bolsheviks. In particular, he contrasts those who supported the Soviet regime because they saw the Bolsheviks as leaders of the international revolution with those who stressed the apparent national achievements of the Soviet Ukrainian republic. In addition, Gilley examines Soviet policy towards pro-Soviet émigrés and the relationship between the émigrés and the Bolsheviks using documents from historical archives in Kyiv. The Ukrainian movement is compared to a similar phenomenon in the Russian emigration, "Smena vekh" ("Change of Signposts"). The book contributes to the study of the era of the New Economic Policy and Ukrainianization in the Soviet Union as well as to the histories of the Ukrainian emigration in the 1920s and of Ukrainian political thought.
This book aims to explain the reasons behind Russia's international conduct in the post-Soviet era, examining Russian foreign policy discourse with a particular focus on the major foreign policy schools of Atlanticism, Eurasianism, derzhavniki, realpolitik, geopolitics, neo-Marxism, radical nationalism, and post-positivism. The Russian post-Soviet threat perceptions and national security doctrines are studied. The author critically assesses the evolution of Russian foreign policy decision-making over the last 25 years and analyzes the roles of various governmental agencies, interest groups and subnational actors. Concluding that a foreign policy consensus is gradually emerging in contemporary Russia, Sergunin argues that the Russian foreign policy discourse aims not only at the formulation of an international strategy but also at the search for a new national identity.Alexander Sergunin argues that Russia's current domestic situation, defined by numerous socio-economic, inter-ethnic, demographic, environmental, and other problems, dictates the need to abandon superpower ambitions and to rather set modest foreign policy goals.
Western social scientists can improve their understanding of post-Soviet Russia by studying the new discipline of Russian International Relations (IR). This collection introduces recent developments in Russian international studies. It identifies key trends in Russian IR knowledge that are reflective of the transitional nature of Russia’s post-Soviet change. The volume also demonstrates that Russia remains open to different theoretical and ideological traditions. It invites scholars to move away from excessively West-centered IR scholarship by exploring indigenous Russian perceptions and inviting dialogue across the globe.Andrei Tsygankov and Pavel Tsygankov on Russia’s identity and IR theory; Alexander Sergunin on post-communist international discussions; Tatyana Shakleyina and Alexei Bogaturov on the Russian Realist school of international relations; Pavel Tsygankov and Andrei Tsygankov on the discourse of Russian Liberal IR theorists; Mikhail Ilyin on the Russian study of globalization and equity; Eduard Solovyev on Russian geopolitics; Nail Mukharyamov on studies of ethnicity in post-Soviet Russia; Stanislav Tkachenko on Russian international political economy; Marina Lebedeva on Russian studies of international negotiations.
The fourth volume of "Aspects of the Orange Revolution" continues the previous volume's discussion on the impact of foreign actors on Ukrainian politics. It provides both scholarly analyses and first-hand accounts. The collection not only investigates, but also gives voice to, some of those involved in the events of 2004. While most of the volume's contributors have an academic background, some of them report here from the perspective of official election or informal participant observers of the three rounds of the Ukrainian presidential elections. Part One juxtaposes some contrasting views on how far Russia's and the West's various interests, activities and tools influencing the Orange Revolution were comparable to each other, and adequate given the circumstances. Part Two presents individual reports by a number of international election observers who were following the campaign and voting in various parts of Ukraine in 2004. Part Three presents three additional on-the-ground observations focusing solely on the notorious electoral district No. 100 of Kirovohrad Oblast. The contributions by Andreas Umland, Iris Kempe, Iryna Solonenko, Vladimir Frolov, Valentin Yakushik, Matthias Brucker, Jake Rudnitsky, Rory Finnin, Adriana Helbig, Paul Terdal, Tatiana Terdal, Peter Wittschorek, Hans-Jörg Schmedes, Adrianna Melnyk, Ingmar Bredies, Oxana Shevel, and Volodymyr Bilyk add a number of novel points of view to those presented in the previous volumes. These partly contradictory and emotional texts as well as a number of photographs document the tense atmosphere and confrontational climate within which Ukraine's second phase of post-Soviet democratization started in 2004.
Reports by international governmental and non-governmental organizations on the 2004 presidential elections in Ukraine constituted a significant factor in generating, facilitating, and completing the Orange Revolution. Ukrainian civil society, mass media, courts, and political parties were the main driving force behind the popular uprising that returned Ukraine to the path of democratization it had embarked on in 1991. Yet, the unambiguous stance and political weight of such institutions as the EU, PACE, NATO, and, above all, OSCE played their role too. The democratic movement benefited from the menace of international isolation and stigmatization of the Ukrainian state, which was expected in case President Leonid Kuchma had decided to prevent a repetition of the second round of the voting.The volume collects not all, but some of the most widely discussed reports, including English translations of selected sections of the three reports produced by the CIS International Observers Mission. The latter as well as a report by an Israeli institute depart from the assessments of the other organizations represented here, allowing for comparison of diverging evaluations of the same events. The volume assembles full or excerpted official reports of the International Republican Institute, the Tel Aviv Institute for the Countries of Eastern Europe and CIS, the European Network of Election Monitoring Organizations, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, and the Commonwealth of Independent States. Contributions by Yevgen Shapoval and Roman Kupchinsky introduce and conclude the collection.
In Anamorphosic Texts, Maryna Romanets turns a discriminating lens on a still “liminal” Ukrainian cultural space and, through its relation to the experiences of one of the earliest decolonized nations, Ireland, puts it on the discursive postcolonial map, thereby destabilizing the paradigm of homogeneous Eurocentricity adopted by much postcolonial critique. Bringing together two peripheral European literatures, Romanets uses Irish and Ukrainian histories as a shared point of reference, charting an essentially untouched area of comparative typology in postcolonial cultural politics. Returning to the chiaroscuro terrain of respective nineteenth-century Revivalist movements, she projects their volatile energies onto contemporary struggles of the two cultures to represent their occluded, traumatic pasts and ever-evasive presents. In five linked essays, Romanets explores, in their sociocultural contexts, the works of Kostenko, Ní Dhomhnaill, Zabuzhko, Pokalchuk, Vynnychuk, Poderviansky, Longley, Heaney, Murphy, Carson, Montague, Banville, and Izdryk. She examines the ways these authors evoke the significatory powers of their traditions to forge imaginary ones; interrogate the boundaries and slippages among personal, national, social, gendered, and historical disjunctions; and make every history open to revision and contestation. Drawing on postcolonial, intertextual, representation, and gender theories, Anamorphosic Texts reveals the mechanisms of conversion whereby Ukrainian and Irish writers, by engaging in epistemic dialogues with their own traditions, colonial discourses, and multicultural influxes, devise political strategies of empowerment and enunciation.
In Ukraine's presidential elections of 2004, the establishment candidate Viktor Yanukovych had the advantages of a solid regional base, access to administrative resources, dominance in the media, help by Russian spin-doctors, and support of Moscow. Yet the winner was the pro-Western challenger, Viktor Yushchenko. How did Ukrainian voters break through the barrage of propaganda so as to deliver their ultimate verdict? Was the divide between Eastern and Western Ukraine fact or PR fiction? In this volume, scholars from two continents examine various aspects of the elections that turned into the Orange Revolution focusing on electoral campaigns and attempts to manipulate results. Following the editor's scene-setting chapter which looks at the electoral laws and their consequences in the previous decade's elections, presidential and parliamentary, the contributors take up specific features of the 2004 contest. The critical part played by a single independent television channel is analyzed by Marta Dyczok. Ilya Khineyko reviews the coverage of the elections in the Russian press, favorable to Yanukovych and always looking for parallels between Russia and Ukraine as well as keeping in mind Moscow's interests. The myths and stereotypes of the campaign are taken up in two contributions by Lyudmyla Pavlyuk and Olena Yatsunska. Clearly, constructed images often overshadowed real issues. Valerii Polkonsky's essay exposes the linguistic innovations of the campaign, including the irony and humour unleashed by such incidents as the "egg attack" on Yanukovych. In Kerstin Zimmer's final paper, the machine politics, administrative resources and fraud which had worked so well in Donets'k are shown to have been less than successful on the national level for reasons of scale and impersonality.
Since independence in 1991, issues of nation and identity have become highly debated topics in Ukraine. This monograph explores not only how national identity is being (re)constructed by the Ukrainian state, but also the processes by which it is negotiated through society. The central argument of this work is that too much attention, concerning identity in Ukraine, has focused on markers of ethnicity and language. Instead, the author advocates a regional approach, engaging with the issue of how Ukraine’s regional differences affect nation-building processes. Following the tumultuous events of the ‘Orange Revolution’, the view of Ukraine as a country inherently ‘divided’ between ‘East’ and ‘West’ has (re)emerged to become a popular explanation for political events. The study outlines the necessity for academics, policymakers and indeed politicians to veer away from this simplistic ‘West versus East’ divide. The book advocates an analysis of Ukraine’s unique brand of regionalism not in terms of divisions, but in terms of regional differences and diversity. The author deconstructs the concept of ‘Eastern Ukraine’ by focusing on three Ukrainian localities, all adjacent to the Ukrainian-Russian border. The study examines how individuals provide ‘their’ own understanding of the place of their region within the wider processes of nation building across Ukraine. In doing so, the book develops a ‘regional’ approach to the study of identity politics in Ukraine.