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Tony Blair's strong start to his third term, with his role in capturing the Olympic Games for Britain, his statesman-like handling of the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on London, his promise of a new start to the European Union and his leadership of the G8 summit at Gleneagles, has brought his relatively lacklustre second term into sharp relief. The second term should have been the time when New Labour fulfilled its manifesto promises. So what changed between 2001 and 2005 and what was achieved? How far was Blair himself responsible, and what was Gordon Brown's influence? What was the impact of the Iraq war? And what of Blair's policy towards Europe? Anthony Seldon and Dennis Kavanagh gather together leading academics and journalists to provide an authoritative assessment of Blair's second term, including a review of New Labour in government from 1997 to the present.
From Iraq to the economy, leading academics and journalists assess Tony Blair's second term.
This book examines the UK prime minister’s political leadership in the domestic executive. By offering a comparative study of the political leadership of James Callaghan, Margaret Thatcher, John Major and Tony Blair with regard to European monetary policy, it challenges the thesis that British prime ministers today have more power, resources and autonomy than their predecessors, giving them a greater capacity to act. Taking key European monetary policy decisions by the British government between 1976 and 2007 as empirical cases, the book assesses the extent to which the political leadership of each prime minister was affected by the cabinet, the parliamentary party as well as the media, and the extent to which he or she was able to manage these factors. It becomes clear from this analysis that prime ministerial predominance is not as frequent as suggested, while collective leadership does not represent a return to cabinet government. Moreover, particularly the party in government affects the prime minister’s leadership by shaping his or her options on appointments (and therefore the composition of the core executive), and through its behaviour in parliament, e.g. through rebellions or the threat of them.
Concise, comprehensive and accessible, Exploring British Politics presents an insightful approach to British politics with a special emphasis on developments since the 2010 general election and the formation of Britain’s first coalition government since 1945.Designed to stimulate critical analysis and provoke lively debate, it provides new perspectives on two key themes – the health of British democracy and the transition from traditional models of government to more flexible forms of ‘governance’.
Press and Television in British Politics offers a research-based exploration of the way the media portrays a range of political and economics-related topics. Using both quantitative and qualitative techniques, Gavin explores the implications that follow for journalism and journalism study, and for British and European democracy and politics.
Lewis Minkin has immense experience of the Labour Party and has acted as adviser to two major internal reviews of the internal party organisation. As the author of two widely acclaimed and original studies on the Labour Party, The Labour Party Conference and The Contentious Alliance, he possesses an unrivalled grasp of the subtleties and nuances of Labour’s internal relationships. The Blair Supremacy is groundbreaking in its investigation of the processes, methods, character and politics of party management, during a period when Blair strengthened his own position as he and his allies and managers drove the party through a ferment of new developments under the name ‘New Labour’. For this book Minkin has been able to draw on a wealth of sources unavailable to other scholars. What is uncovered here is revealing and at times startling. It includes an extensive covert internal organisation, a culture which facilitated manipulation and what can be described as a rolling coup. These developments are rigorously and critically examined with a strong focus on three fundamental questions: How were these changes achieved? Was it, as it was often represented, a complete supremacy? Why did it end so badly with Blair being forced, in effect, to step down? The study challenges many misconceptions and sheds new light on the Blair legacy and on the intense controversies surrounding him. It also adds greatly to our understanding of some acute contemporary problems in British political life.
This is the second book in a unique two-volume study tracing the evolution of the Labour Party’s foreign policy throughout the 20th century to the present date. This is the first comprehensive study of the history of the Labour Party’s worldview and foreign policy. It argues that Labour’s foreign policy perspective should be seen not as the development of a socialist foreign policy, but as an application of the ideas of liberal internationalism. Volume Two provides a critical analysis of Labour’s foreign policy since 1951. It examines Labour’s attempts to rethink foreign policy, focusing on intra-party debates, the problems that Labour faced when in power, and the conflicting pressures from party demands and external pressures. It examines attitudes to rearmament in the 1950s, the party’s response to the Suez crisis and the Vietnam War, the bitter divisions over nuclear disarmament and the radicalisation of foreign and defence policy in the 1980s. It also examines Labour’s desire to provide moral leadership to the rest of the world. The last two chapters focus on the Blair and Brown years, with Blair’s response to the Kosovo crisis, to 9/11 and his role in the ‘war on terror’. Whereas Blair’s approach to foreign affairs was to place emphasis on the efficacy of the use of military force, Brown’s approach instead placed faith in the use of economic measures. This highly readable book provides an excellent analysis of Labour’s foreign policy. It is essential reading for students of British politics, the Labour Party, and foreign policy.
Many of Tony Blair's policy decisions in the Israeli-Palestinian arena were controversial and politically costly. Blair, Labour and Palestine argues that gaps between him and much of his party were rooted in different world views. A positive attitude towards Israel came to be seen as a defining mark of New Labour loyalists. However, contrasting views among left-leaning strands in the party reflected a broader set of ideological rifts. Such differences became increasingly significant in the wake of 9/11 as British policymakers sought to understand and respond to Islamic anger against the West. Based on interviews conducted by the author and on previously unseen documents, this unique case study shows how the distinctive world view of a political leader defined foreign policy, by shaping Britain's response to Islamist violence and its interconnected approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Author Toby Greene also examines the extent to which ministers and officials considered shifting foreign policy in response to fears of Islamist radicalisation in the UK, and Blair's role in stopping this trend, especially after the 7/7 bombings.
Calculating Political Risk is rich and illuminating, and much more than a political science treatise. Althaus draws on diverse literature, extensive interviews and intriguing case studies to offer interdisciplinary, practical and nuanced insight. This book provides new perspectives and more precise language for making sense of a critical dimension of politics, policy-making and public management. Evert Lindquist, Director and Professor, School of Public Administration, University of Victoria, Canada This powerful new book is the first ever examination of the hard edge of how political risk - something faced by all political actors innumerable times every day - is calculated and used in decision-making. It opens with an outline of the historical and linguistic origins of risk, the various disciplinary understandings of risk, the risk society concept, and how risk has come to be so prominent in the context of environmental disaster and terrorism. The book then defines political risk and looks at its manifestations in the public sector, from project to high-level political risk. It also looks at risk identification versus risk management and compares the concept of political risk with the private sector practice of risk management. Unique research findings from interviews with over 100 risk practitioners and politicians provide a detailed look at how political actors calculate political risk. Case study-based chapters look in-depth at neat and discrete examples: risk calculation in state development plans in Australia; political risk identification and management in the UK during the mad cow crisis; and US government risk calculation in the post-September 11 context. The final chapters draw together the experiences and lessons learned from the case studies and practitioner insights to formulate a better understanding of what political risk is and what its calculation means in political practice. The author shows how political risk calculation provides a fresh perspective on policy analysis and identifies how political risk is relevant to a broader understanding of politics and political science, as well as policy formulation and implementation on the ground.
With the end of the Cold War, many commentators expected a renewed emphasis on domestic policy as a result of this major change in foreign policy. Until the attacks of 11 September 2001, this is exactly what happened. The “new world order” in domestic terms, celebrated the triumph of capitalism and free markets. At this time, Milton Friedman’s economic ideas were all the rage and Keynes completely out of fashion. The economic problems of the 1970s, in combination with the manifest failure of communist economies, had largely discredited the traditional notion of the Left and party rhetoric reflected this. Both the Democrats and Labour had begun in the 1980s (faced with the success of Reagan and Thatcher) a process of redefinition: people talked of “New Democrats” and “New Labour”. During the campaign of 1992, Clinton insisted on the need for a “modern, mainstream agenda” and used key terms often associated with conservatism like “expansion of opportunity”, “choice”, “responsibility” and “reinventing government”. Labour, especially after Tony Blair became leader in 1994, followed the same path. Both the Conservatives and the Republicans had pushed to the right in the late 1970s and continued this trend in the following years. Although their electoral fortunes varied, they increasingly found themselves divided between moderate and more rightwing members. In Britain this division focused on Europe while, in the US, it usually concerned social and ethical questions. By 2010, the Conservatives had attained some cohesion under David Cameron but, the Republicans were openly feuding. This book’s originality lies in its scope, in its comparative aspect, and its inclusion of first person accounts as well as scholarly studies. In particular, the book includes one of the first major analyses of the health care debate from Clinton’s failed attempt to the conclusion of Obama’s successful one. Highly up to date and topical, it also discusses discourse related to the recent economic crisis, the so-called “Climategate” scandal, the UK elections of 2010, the gay rights debates in the US, “Islamophobia”, and the Arizona immigration law.