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Members of the United Auto Workers Ford Local 600 tell about their activism as they experienced it.
"Kevin Boyle has done a masterful job of identifying the unique contribution of the UAW, not only to American Liberalism, but also to the nation and to all people. As contemporary labor and society at large search for new directions, this book should be required reading."—Victor G. Reuther
This is the first book-length study of the triumph of the Reuther caucus over the Thomas-Addes-Leonard coalition in the United Auto Workers union. The dramatic defeat of the left-center coalition had far reaching significance. It helped to determine the shape of postwar labor relations, the direction of postwar liberalism, and the fate of the left. Based on manuscript sources, oral histories, and quantitative analyses of convention roll calls, UAW Politics in the Cold War Era places this union conflict in a national political context of postwar economic conflicts, the cold war, and the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act. Halpern offers a fresh point of view on the character of the two contending coalitions and the reasons for the Reuther triumph. His work is a valuable contribution to the current reassessment of the domestic politics of the early cold war years.
The history of Communists and American labor raises three questions. Were the Communists legitimate (or good) trade unionists? Were they an important influence in the labor movement? Were they good Communists? These questions involve matters that go beyond the history of Communists in the auto industry. Consequently, this work does not provide the last word on them. Yet, raising these questions has a point. It enables the expression of views on these questions that differ from others that have been written about Communists and labor and what assumptions lie behind this work. Finally, this book refutes some commonly held ideas about Communists and labor. The introduction also discusses several problems of method: the identification of Communists and the reliability of Communist sources and oral history.
"During the first century of the republic, two modes of communication at a distance - telecommunications - were etched into lands inhabited by Native Americans; contested by rival European powers; and occupied by the United States. Both telecommunications systems supported this expanding US territorial empire but, despite this overarching commonality, they branched apart in other ways. One network was owned by the state and the other by capital, and the two branches of the telecommunications system developed disparate rate structures, patterns of access, and social and institutional relationships. During the decades after the Civil War their divergence became politically charged. Would one model prevail over the other? Going forward, would it be the government Post Office or the corporate telegraph that set the terms of telecommunications development? The Post Office was the nation's originating system for communication at a distance. Both before and long after it was elevated to a cabinet department in 1829, furthermore, the Post Office was by far the largest unit of the central state. In 1831, the nation's 8700 postmasters comprised three-quarters of federal civilian employment; half a century later (excluding temporary postal employees and ordinary and railway mail clerks and letter carriers), some 50,000 postmasters accounted for perhaps one-third of all civilian employees in the executive branch. Though its relative weight as a government employer diminished after this, its workforce continued to swell. During the last two antebellum decades, meanwhile, an emergent technology - the electrical telegraph - was passed quickly from the federal government to private capital. The two systems' institutional identities immediately began to contrast in other ways"--
"Most Americans first heard of Michael Harrington with the publication of The Other America, his seminal book on American poverty. Isserman expertly tracks Harrington's beginnings in the Catholic Worke"
For more than 50 years, John Cort has been at the center of most of the social movements of our time. Writer, reporter, teacher, activist, Cort has spent his life fighting good fights, whether on a Boston newspaper, with the Peace Corps in the Philippines, as a labor leader, or in dozens of campaigns for justice, peace and human rights. Here is John Cort's story--the measure of an exemplary life and a vivid, personal chronicle of American radicalism across virtually every major struggle. At its heart, this is also the story of what it means to take seriously the distinctively radical Catholic vision that informs American political and religious life in this century. It started in 1935, when Cort converted to Catholicism as a Harvard undergraduate. A year later, he was in New York City on the staff of the Catholic Worker, working with such legendary figures as Dorothy Day and Peter Maurin. Plunged into the class wars of the Depression, Cort began a 20-year commitment to organizing workers, notably through the Association of Catholic Trade Unionists. Later, Cort served many social action causes while continuing to teach, report, and write. Whether running a model Cities program, a newspaper guild, or a homeless shelter, or as a delegate to a world apostolic congress, Cort brought to life in his radicalism and his socialism the teachings of Catholic activism embodied most vividly by Dorothy Day and John XIII. Desperate Conversions is a unique primer in Catholic social theory, told in the chapters of John Cort's own life. Quirky, personal, distinctive, his memoir captures one of the great stories of our American century--and tells it in a voice no one can forget.
A classic of labor history, with a new foreword by one of the leading figures in urban studies