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French ethnologist Perrois, who lived in Equatorial Africa from 1965 to 1984, presents the wealth of his research, including a history of colonial conquest and discovery in the region. Providing magnificent illustration are a wealth of photographs, drawings, and maps, and a catalog of the Fang objects (jewelry, masks, and especially statues) in the collection at the Folch Rusinol Museum in Barcelona. 10x115/8". Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
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The Licit Life of Capitalism is both an account of a specific capitalist project—U.S. oil companies working off the shores of Equatorial Guinea—and a sweeping theorization of more general forms and processes that facilitate diverse capitalist projects around the world. Hannah Appel draws on extensive fieldwork with managers and rig workers, lawyers and bureaucrats, the expat wives of American oil executives and the Equatoguinean women who work in their homes, to turn conventional critiques of capitalism on their head, arguing that market practices do not merely exacerbate inequality; they are made by it. People and places differentially valued by gender, race, and colonial histories are the terrain on which the rules of capitalist economy are built. Appel shows how the corporate form and the contract, offshore rigs and economic theory are the assemblages of liberalism and race, expertise and gender, technology and domesticity that enable the licit life of capitalism—practices that are legally sanctioned, widely replicated, and ordinary, at the same time as they are messy, contested, and, arguably, indefensible.
Equatorial Guinea is a tiny country roughly the size of the state of Maryland. Humid, jungle covered, and rife with unpleasant diseases, natives call it Devil Island. Its president in 2004, Obiang Nguema, had been accused of cannibalism, belief in witchcraft, mass murder, billion dollar corruption, and general rule by terror. With so little to recommend it, why in March 2004 was Equatorial Guinea the target of a group of salty British, South African and Zimbabwean mercenaries, travelling on an American-registered ex-National Guard plane specially adapted for military purposes, that was originally flown to Africa by American pilots? The real motive lay deep below the ocean floor: oil. In The Dogs of War, Frederick Forsyth effectively described an attempt by mercenaries to overthrow the government of Equatorial Guinea -- in 1972. And the chain of events surrounding the night of March 7, 2004, is a rare case of life imitating art -- or, at least, life imitating a 1970s thriller -- in almost uncanny detail. With a cast of characters worthy of a remake of Wild Geese and a plot as mazy as it was unlikely, The Wonga Coup is a tale of venality, overarching vanity and greed whose example speaks to the problems of the entire African continent.
Unexplored Equatorial Guinea finally gets a guidebook! This one-time Spanish colony is one of the smallest countries in continental Africa, both in terms of size and population, and is ranked by the United Nations among the ten least visited countries in the world. From the oil-rich capital of Malabo on the volcanic island of Bioko, set out to explore the jungle interior via the Spanish colonial outpost of Bata, where you'll find pristine national parks teeming with wildlife, incredible white-sand beaches and a wealth of small, traditional communities. Travel here may not always be straightforward, but the rewards are worth it for such a unique experience in the heart of tropical Africa's only Spanish-speaking nation.This is the only in-depth English language guide to Equatorial Guinea, one of the last truly unexplored corners of sub-Saharan Africa. With first-hand descriptions of all seven provinces (including the islands and the mainland), accommodation, maps and itineraries, plus practical details, guides to security and getting a visa, this is all the information you need whether visiting Bioko on business or trekking Río Muni in search of gorillas.
Equatorial Guinea is a small country located in west central Africa, bordered by Cameroon to the north and Gabon to the south and east. The country consists of the mainland region which is the Río Muni, and the island region of Bioko, which is made up of the islands of Bioko and Annobón. The country has a small population of around 1.2 million people, with roughly the same number of people living on the mainland as on the islands. Equatorial Guinea is one of the smallest countries in Africa in terms of both population and land area. It is also one of the most ethnically diverse countries in Africa, with over 50 different ethnic groups present. Equatorial Guinea gained independence in 1968 after Spanish colonization. Since then, the country has been ruled by one political party, the Democratic Party of Equatorial Guinea (PDGE). The country is one of the wealthiest in Africa, with a per capita GDP that ranks among the highest on the continent. This is largely due to oil reserves discovered in the 1990s, which make up the majority of the country's export earnings. Despite its wealth, Equatorial Guinea is also known for its human rights abuses and corruption, with the country frequently ranking poorly on global indices measuring these factors.
"Examines how postcolonial literature depicts the clash of traditional and European cultures, reflects the impact of the Macias reafricanization process, and addresses the themes of individual and national identity, Hispanic heritage, and the Equatoguinean diaspora"--Provided by publisher.
Winner of the African Politics Conference Group’s Best Book Award In September 1958, Guinea claimed its independence, rejecting a constitution that would have relegated it to junior partnership in the French Community. In all the French empire, Guinea was the only territory to vote “No.” Orchestrating the “No” vote was the Guinean branch of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA), an alliance of political parties with affiliates in French West and Equatorial Africa and the United Nations trusts of Togo and Cameroon. Although Guinea’s stance vis-à-vis the 1958 constitution has been recognized as unique, until now the historical roots of this phenomenon have not been adequately explained. Clearly written and free of jargon, Cold War and Decolonization in Guinea argues that Guinea’s vote for independence was the culmination of a decade-long struggle between local militants and political leaders for control of the political agenda. Since 1950, when RDA representatives in the French parliament severed their ties to the French Communist Party, conservative elements had dominated the RDA. In Guinea, local cadres had opposed the break. Victimized by the administration and sidelined by their own leaders, they quietly rebuilt the party from the base. Leftist militants, their voices muted throughout most of the decade, gained preeminence in 1958, when trade unionists, students, the party’s women’s and youth wings, and other grassroots actors pushed the Guinean RDA to endorse a “No” vote. Thus, Guinea’s rejection of the proposed constitution in favor of immediate independence was not an isolated aberration. Rather, it was the outcome of years of political mobilization by activists who, despite Cold War repression, ultimately pushed the Guinean RDA to the left. The significance of this highly original book, based on previously unexamined archival records and oral interviews with grassroots activists, extends far beyond its primary subject. In illuminating the Guinean case, Elizabeth Schmidt helps us understand the dynamics of decolonization and its legacy for postindependence nation-building in many parts of the developing world. Examining Guinean history from the bottom up, Schmidt considers local politics within the larger context of the Cold War, making her book suitable for courses in African history and politics, diplomatic history, and Cold War history.