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This is a revision and an updating of the first edition, published in 2000. Presidents from Washington to Obama (not included are William Henry Harrison and James A. Garfield because of very short terms) are rated in five categories: Foreign Relations, Domestic Programs, Administration and Intergovernmental Relations, Leadership and Decision Making, and Presidential Comportment. Each president is evaluated on his effectiveness in each area and a final analysis is provided for the scores combined. The presidents are then ranked overall. The most overrated and underrated chief executives are identified. Each entry includes biographical and political information, as well as an analysis of their overall behavior and status.
Celebrated leadership expert and political scientist Gautam Mukunda provides a comprehensive, objective, and non-partisan method for answering the most important question in the world: is someone up to the job of president of the United States? In Picking Presidents, Gautam Mukunda sets his sights on presidential candidates, proposing an objective and tested method to assess whether they will succeed or fail if they win the White House. Combining political science, psychology, organizational behavior, and economics, Picking Presidents will enable every American to cast an informed vote. In his 2012 book Indispensable, which all but predicted the Trump presidency, Mukunda explained how both the very best and very worst leaders are "unfiltered"—outsiders who take power without the understanding or support of traditional elites. Picking Presidents provides deep analysis of filtered and unfiltered presidents alike, from failed haberdasher and skillful president Harry Truman, to the exceptionally well-qualified—and ultimately reviled—James Buchanan; from Andrew Johnson, who set civil rights back by a century, to Theodore Roosevelt, who evaded party opposition to transform American society. Picking Presidents lays out a clear framework that anyone can use to judge a candidate and answer the all-important question: are they up to the job?
This book systematically examines the first terms of every president from FDR to Joe Biden and assesses the leadership style and policy agenda of each. Success in bringing about policy change is shown to hinge on the leadership style and skill in managing a variety of institutional and public relationships. Presidents are evaluated based on the level of opportunity they faced. The third edition of this timely book adds chapters on Donald Trump and Joe Biden and focuses on the significant domestic policy challenges of their respective times. For students of presidential history, leadership, and public policy, The Presidency and Domestic Policy provides unique insights into contemporary presidential leadership in a highly partisan age. New to the Third Edition Two new chapters focusing on Trump and Biden, showing its policy similarities as well as differences from earlier administrations A reassessment of the domestic policy legacies of Bill Clinton (especially in regard to crime and the financial services industries) A sharper focus on racial politics resulting from both the Clinton and Obama eras An exploration of administrative approaches to governing domestically and unilateral decision making—normally reserved for the foreign policy arena but now applied on the domestic side as well (e.g., executive orders) The increasing linkage between domestic and foreign policy issue arenas, particularly in the areas of immigration, trade, and environmental policy An assessment of judicial politics in the framework of the four leadership dimensions presidents bring to office, and also in terms of the impact on domestic policy outputs
In 1869, the Cincinnati Red Stockings became the first all-professional baseball club. The history, geography, demography and economy of the area made Cincinnati a baseball town par excellence. During pro ball's early years, the city was almost always represented by a club called the Reds. In 1903 Reds owner Garry Hermann helped broker peace between the National and American leagues and became known as the "Father of the World Series." The Reds won the Series in 1919, 1940, 1975, 1976 and 1990. Under the ownership of the controversial Marge Schott and managed by the mercurial Lou Piniella, the 1990 Reds led the National League West, defeated the Pittsburgh Pirates in the NL Championship Series and swept the Oakland Athletics in the World Series. Stars such as Barry Larkin and Eric Davis--along with pitcher Jose Rijo and the trio of relievers known as the Nasty Boys--deserve much of the credit that year but lesser knowns like Billy Hatcher and Glenn Braggs made significant contributions. They have come close but the Reds have not won another pennant since.
This book advances the view that concentrated black power is the backbone of the Democratic Party and, as such, black empowerment represents the last hope for the US both domestically and internationally. Through analyses of secondary data, historical archives, and a variety of political and economic statistical indicators, it examines the relationship between black empowerment and America's global stature across its history, exploring the socio-historical context in which obstacles to black empowerment have occurred and the strategies that have been adopted across time for its realization. An examination of what Black political, legal, economic and cultural power looks like, The Fight for Black Empowerment in the USA makes an urgent call for the up-lift and empowerment of the black population, without which the nation faces irreversible political and economic dysfunction domestically, and a loss of its status as a global superpower. As such, it will appeal to scholars across the social sciences with interests in racial and ethnic inequalities and contemporary American society.
This is a book about baseball players who performed in the major leagues before the age of 21. For years the dream of many boys has been to enter the world of professional sports. Out of millions of boys who have played baseball, more than 17,000 have appeared in major league contests. Among them were hundreds who made their debut before their 21st birthday. However, most of these appeared in only a few games. Only 284 young men have played at least one season as a regular before or during the season in which they reached the age of 21. They are the subjects of this book. The text is divided into three parts. Part One deals with the careers of the ten prodigies who had the most productive seasons at the bat. Part Two discusses the ten young pitchers who had the most fruitful seasons on the mound. Part Three provides short sketches of the 172 players with at least five eligible seasons who do not rank among the above 20 prodigies. Data on the 92 players with at least one but fewer than five eligible seasons are given in an appendix.
This title evaluates each president on his effectiveness in each area and a final analysis is provided for the scores combined. The most overrated and underrated chief executives are identified., with each entry including a biographical and political information, as well as an analysis of their overall behavior and status.
This is a revision and an updating of the first edition, published in 2000. Presidents from Washington to Obama (not included are William Henry Harrison and James A. Garfield because of very short terms) are rated in five categories: Foreign Relations, Domestic Programs, Administration and Intergovernmental Relations, Leadership and Decision Making, and Presidential Comportment. Each president is evaluated on his effectiveness in each area and a final analysis is provided for the scores combined. The presidents are then ranked overall. The most overrated and underrated chief executives are identified. Each entry includes biographical and political information, as well as an analysis of their overall behavior and status.
What makes a good American president? The answers to this question have been sought by a variety of means since the very beginning of the presidency. Some contend that a foreign policy makes one superior to another, while others contend that certain personal qualities make a man best. Here America's presidents are rated using a system that evaluates their effectiveness in some of the most critical aspects of the office: Foreign Relations; Domestic Programs; Administration and Intergovernmental Relations; Leadership and Decision Making; and Personal Qualities. Each president is scored in his fulfillment of each aspect of the office, and analysis is provided for all the scores. The presidents are then ranked overall. The most overrated and underrated commanders in chief are also examined. The presidents are then analyzed individually, in chronological order, and each entry includes biographical and political information, as well as analysis of personal qualities. A bibliography and index are included.
Campaign rhetoric helps candidates to get elected, but its effects last well beyond the counting of the ballots; this was perhaps never truer than in Barack Obama’s 2008 campaign. Did Obama create such high expectations that they actually hindered his ability to enact his agenda? Should we judge his performance by the scale of the expectations his rhetoric generated, or against some other standard? The Rhetoric of Heroic Expectations: Establishing the Obama Presidency grapples with these and other important questions. Barack Obama’s election seemed to many to fulfill Martin Luther King Jr.’s vision of the “long arc of the moral universe . . . bending toward justice.” And after the terrorism, war, and economic downturn of the previous decade, candidate Obama’s rhetoric cast broad visions of a change in the direction of American life. In these and other ways, the election of 2008 presented an especially strong example of creating expectations that would shape the public’s views of the incoming administration. The public’s high expectations, in turn, become a part of any president’s burden upon assuming office. The interdisciplinary scholars who have contributed to this volume focus their analysis upon three kinds of presidential burdens: institutional burdens (specific to the office of the presidency); contextual burdens (specific to the historical moment within which the president assumes office); and personal burdens (specific to the individual who becomes president).