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Since the Iranian Revolution, the close alliance between Syria and Iran has endured for over three decades, based on geopolitical interests between the two states and often framed in the language of resistance. In view of their strong relationship at a state-level, what have Syria and Iran each been doing to foster popular exchange and employ cultural tools to build and image in the other country? The Syria-Iran Axis examines the motivations, content and reach of cultural diplomacy between Syria and Iran to determine to what degree that two partners have been successful in bridging their world views and political outlooks. Beginning with a historical background of relations between the two countries before the overthrow of the Shah, Nadia von Maltazahn offers an analysis of the process of policy formulation, and they key themes which characterize Syrian and Iranian foreign and cultural relations. Whilst the relations between the two countries were limited in the pre-revolutionary period, bilateral relations developed very quickly in the aftermath of the revolution. Uniquely, The Syria-Iran Axis looks beyond the political and military cooperation between the leaders of these two countries, highlighting the economic and cultural connections between the populations. It therefore examines the scientific, academic, military, economic, industrial, telecommunications and cultural delegations that go back and forth between Damascus and Tehran. With key Shi'i shrines situated in Syria, such as the Sayyida Zaynab and the Sayyida Ruqayya mosques in Damascus, there has been for many years a significant level of religious tourism. Bearing in mind that these levels of inter-cultural connection have been threatened by the ongoing unrest in Syria, von Maltzahn also highlights the ways in which this key relationship has been affected by events in the wider geopolitical sphere. By examining the extent to which a state-directed cultural exchange can foster bilateral relations in the Middle East, von Maltzahn offers a unique analysis of the formation of foreign policy and diplomacy in the region.
It has been the dominant view that both Syria in the 1980s and Iran today have acted as rogue states in the Middle East threatening to upset the stability of the region. In this innovative new study, Anoushiravan Ehteshami and Raymond Hinnebusch show that these two countries have in fact acted in a rational fashion pursuing the aim of containing Western influence. This book demonstrates how Syrian foreign policy resembles the "rational actor" model and Iran's rational factions in government guide its diplomacy. Syria and Iran's foreign policies are shown to be conventional ones, of "realist" diplomacy with their pursuance of a balance of power and spheres of influence. Their alliance with each other is also closely examined and found to be defensive in nature. Syria and Iran illustrates how these two countries, and their alliance, forms an integral part of the balance of power in the Middle East. It is an exciting contribution to the study of the region, and its application of international relations concepts will be welcomed by those studying this area.
The enduring alliance between Iran and Syria which came about after Iran's 1979 Revolution proved to be a feature of the Middle East's political landscape in the 20th and early 21st centuries. Moreover, its impact in moulding events and bringing about major changes in this troubled region proved enormously significant. Jubin M. Goodarzi provides us with the first in-depth study on the Syrian-Iranian nexus which traces the origins and development of the strategic partnership between Damascus and Tehran from 1979 until the present. He argues that contrary to prevailing views (due in large part to the authoritarian and unpopular nature of the Syrian and Iranian regimes), the alliance between them was conceived as essentially defensive in nature. He puts forth an empirical survey with a chronology of events, and analyses the key phases in the evolution of the alliance. In the process he explains their significance, both in terms of how they affected bilateral relations between the two states and their regional implications. Through careful research and analysis, Goodarzi reveals linkages between major events in the Middle East and crucial decisions that were made in Tehran and Damascus; particularly ones that have been overlooked or ignored by regional analysts and scholars. These include the impact of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and the subsequent Syrian-Iranian consultations on Iran's position regarding the war with Iraq; the effects of US-Iraqi actions in the Persian Gulf in 1988 and Iran's moves in Lebanon against the wishes of Syria. Goodarzi analyses the stability and security of this partnership and assesses its prospects for the future.
The strategic relationship which emerged between Damascus and Tehran in the late 1970s remains one of the least comprehended aspects of Middle East politics. This relationship has endured for almost a decade and a half, despite many predictions of its imminent demise. However, the recent breakthrough in the Arab-Israeli dispute threatens once again to put a strain on bilateral ties. This paper provides a reapprasial of relations between Iran and Syria.
This book explores the complexity of the Syrian question and its effects on the foreign policies of Russia, Iran, and Turkey. The Syrian crisis has had a major effect on the regional order in the Middle East. Syria has become a territory where the rivalry between Russia and Western powers is being played out, and with the West’s gradual withdrawal, the conflict will without a doubt have lasting effects locally and on the international order. This collection focuses on the effects of the Syrian crisis on the new governance of the Middle East region by three political regimes: Russia, Iran, and Turkey. Many articles and a number of books have been written on this conflict, which has lasted over ten years, but no publication has examined simultaneously and comparatively how these three states are participating in the shared management of the Syrian conflict.
This book explores the global impact of the Syrian conflict, and the roles of Russia, Iran and the US in its wake. It looks closely at origins of political turmoil in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region by analysing the growing influence of Russia and Iran – militarily, economically and diplomatically – juxtaposed against US defense and national interests. The book: challenges the conventional scholarship to show how non-democratic states such as Russia, Iran and China exhibit a consistent strategic intent in their foreign-policy-making; underlines the convergence of Syrian foreign policy with Russia’s (the USSR before 1989) and Iran’s regional outlook post-1979; takes stock of the shifts in the US foreign policy in MENA in light of new realities. Drawing on detailed fieldwork and archival material, including National Security Archival documents, this book is a tour de force in understanding global politics and contemporary history. It will be indispensable to scholars and researchers of politics and international relations, political theory, foreign policy, Middle East studies, and peace and conflict studies.
In Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria, central governments historically pursued mono-nationalist ideologies and repressed Kurdish identity. As evidenced by much unrest and a great many Kurdish revolts in all these states since the 1920s, however, the Kurds manifested strong resistance towards ethnic chauvinism. What sorts of authoritarian state policies have Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria relied on to contain the Kurds over the years? Can meaningful democratization and liberalization in any of these states occur without a fundamental change vis-à-vis their Kurdish minorities? To what extent does the Kurdish issue function as both a barrier and key to democratization in four of the most important states of the Middle East? While many commentators on the Middle East stress the importance of resolving the Arab-Israeli dispute for achieving 'peace in the Middle East,' this book asks whether or not the often overlooked Kurdish issue may constitute a more important fulcrum for change in the region, especially in light of the 'Arab Spring' and recent changes in Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria.
Tehran’s ability to fight by, with and through third parties in foreign jurisdictions has become a valuable and effective sovereign capability that gives Iran strategic advantage in the region. Tehran has possessed a form of this capability since the Islamic Revolution in 1979, but its potency and significance have risen sharply in the past decade, to the point where it has brought Iran more regional influence and status than either its nuclear or ballistic-missile programmes. The IISS Strategic Dossier Iran’s Networks of Influence provides an understanding of how Iran builds, operates and uses this capability. Based on original field research, open-source information and interviews with a range of sources, the dossier conducts an audit of Iran’s activities in the principal regional theatres of Iraq, Lebanon, Syria and Yemen, and its reach into Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. It includes an examination of Tehran’s nurturing of groups such as the Houthis in Yemen, the Badr Organisation in Iraq, Hizbullah in Lebanon and Shia militias in Syria, and details related to recruitment, weapons supply, logistics and command-and-control systems. Iran’s Networks of Influence is intended through objective, fact-based analysis to inform both policymakers and practitioners, and to stimulate debate on the wider significance of Iran’s use of third-party partners and the strategic depth they afford Tehran. The dossier also examines the advantages that Iran possesses through its recent experience of conflict, and its ability to mobilise and deploy sympathetic Shia communities across theatres. In a time of rising tension in the region, the dossier looks at how Iran might further develop the use of its partnership capability and the risks and constraints it might face.
What are the dynamics of civic activism in authoritarian regimes? How do new social actors¿many of them informal, ¿below the radar¿ groups¿interact with these regimes? What mechanisms do the power elite employ to deal with societal dissidence? The authors of Civil Society in Syria and Iran explore the nature of state¿society relations in two countries that are experiencing popular demands for political pluralism amid the constraints of authoritarian retrenchment.