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Women and Public Life in Early Meiji Japan focuses on women’s activities in the new public spaces of Meiji Japan. With chapters on public, private, and missionary schools for girls, their students, and teachers, on social and political groups women created, on female employment, and on women’s participation in print media, this book offers a new perspective on nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Japanese history. Women’s founding of and participation in conflicting discourses over the value of women in Meiji public life demonstrate that during this period active and vocal women were everywhere, that they did not meekly submit to the dictates of the government and intellectuals over what women could or should do, and that they were fully integrated in the production of Meiji culture. Mara Patessio shows that the study of women is fundamental not only in order to understand fully the transformations of the Meiji period, but also to understand how later generations of women could successfully move the battle forward. Women and Public Life in Early Meiji Japan is essential reading for all students and teachers of 19th- and early 20th-century Japanese history and is of interest to scholars of women’s history more generally.
Nuclear War: Hiroshima, Nagasaki, and A Workable Moral Strategy for Achieving and Preserving World Peace Raymond G. Wilson "The real truth of the matter is, as you and I know, that a financial element in the large centers has owned the government of the United States since the days of Andrew Jackson." Franklin D. Roosevelt There is considerable reason to believe President Roosevelt's statement is quite true, thus the "financial element in the large centers" shares responsibility and blame for the tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of war deaths in the last two decades. The people of the world need protection from those responsible for provoking nations to war. In the United States this responsibility lies with all elements in the highest levels of government, the decision makers. It lies with those who tinker with political and economic machinations, most likely for the advantage of "a financial element in the large centers." These are probably people young enough and sufficiently uninformed to have no conception of the atrocity of the nuclear confrontations and conflagrations to which they are quite possibly leading the world. This group of people may include most people serving in the U.S. Congress and from personal experience many in the U.S. Military. I have my doubts whether Presidents have seen all of the results of the world's first nuclear war; they are probably shielded from this. Photographs of the victims were confiscated and held confidential for more than 22 years after 1945. There were well more than 210,000 victims; not many photographs were made and survived. You can learn from this book a tiny fraction of the truth about what happens to people caught in nuclear war. (Although the truth from more than 210,000 will never be heard.) In a future war there would be hundreds of thousands, more likely hundreds of millions, of victims. The United States government has not revealed this kind of truth about its first nuclear war. As of early 2014 no sitting president has ever visited Hiroshima or Nagasaki. In Chapter 5 a solution is suggested to save us all from our "nuclear madness". "I hate war as only a soldier who has lived it can, only as one who has seen its brutality, its futility, its stupidity." --Dwight D. Eisenhower, "...we also possess the seeds of goodness and justice that humankind was given by nature and has fostered over the ages. We have the ability to cultivate self-control and consideration for others and to strive to live together in a humane and harmonious manner with others. The revival of such true humanity--not only between individuals, but also between nations--is an absolute necessity today, for the age has come when one nation's self-centered behavior could lead all humanity to annihilation." --Naomi Shohno, 1986 "America can do whatever we set our mind to." ―Barack Obama
This is a new analysis of recent changes in important Japanese institutions. It addresses the origin, development, and recent adaptation of core institutions, including financial institutions, corporate governance, lifetime employment, and the amakudari system. After four decades of rapid economic growth in Japan, the 1990s saw the country enter a prolonged period of economic stagnation. Policy reforms were initially half-hearted, and businesses were slow to restructure as the global economy changed. The lagging economy has been impervious to aggressive fiscal stimulus measures and has been plagued by ongoing price deflation for years. Japan’s struggle has called into question the ability of the country’s economic institutions, originally designed to support factor accumulation and rapid development, to adapt to the new economic environment of the twenty-first century. This book discusses both historical and international comparisons including Meiji Japan, and recent economic and financial reforms in Korea, Scandinavia, Switzerland, and New Zealand, placing the current institutional changes in perspective. The contributors argue that, contrary to conventional wisdom that Japanese institutions have remained relatively rigid, there has been significant institutional change over the last decade.
Lesbian Sexuality has remained largely ignored in Japan despite increasing exposure of disadvantaged minority groups, including gay men. This book is the first comprehensive academic exploration of contemporary lesbian sexuality in Japanese society. The author employs an interdisciplinary approach and this book will be of great value to those working or interested in the areas of Japanese, lesbian and gender studies as well as Japanese history, anthropology and cultural studies.
This 1997 book analyses the writings of Japanese socialist women and explores the place and perspectives of women there early in the twentieth century.
A portrait of the first Japanese immigrants, known as the Issei. Leaving behind a still-traditional, feudal society for the wide-open world of America, the Japanese were long barred from holding citizenship and regarded for many years as unassimilable. Their story is one of suffering and struggle that has produced a record of courage and perseverance.
The quintessential American suburbs, with their gracious single-family homes, large green lawns, and leaf-shaded streets, reflected not only residents’ dreams but nightmares, not only hopes but fears: fear of others, of racial minorities and lowincome groups, fear of themselves, fear of the market, and, above all, fear of change. These fears, and the restrictive covenants that embodied them, are the subject of Robert M. Fogelson’s fascinating new book. As Fogelson reveals, suburban subdividers attempted to cope with the deep-seated fears of unwanted change, especially the encroachment of “undesirable” people and activities, by imposing a wide range of restrictions on the lots. These restrictions ranged from mandating minimum costs and architectural styles for the houses to forbidding the owners to sell or lease their property to any member of a host of racial, ethnic, and religious groups. These restrictions, many of which are still commonly employed, tell us as much about the complexities of American society today as about its complexities a century ago.
Considers (74) S. 3058.