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One hundred and fifty years after Kansas was admitted to the Union, we still find ourselves fascinated by the specter of "Bleeding Kansas" and the violence that preceded the American Civil War by five years. Although ample attention has been devoted to understanding why territorial violence broke out in Kansas in 1856, of equal concern but less illuminated is the question of why government, both local and national, allowed the violence to continue unstanched for so long. This question is fundamentally about governance-its existence, exercise, limits, and continuance-and its study has ramifications for understanding both Kansas events and why the American experiment in government failed in 1861. In addition, the book also sheds light on the nature of democracy, the challenges of implanting it in distant environs, the necessity of cooperation at the various levels of government, and the value of strong leadership. To Govern the Devil in Hell uses the prism of governance to investigate what went wrong in territorial Kansas. From the first elections in late 1854 and early 1855, local government was tarnished with cries of illegitimacy that territorial officials could not ameliorate. Soon after, a shadow government was created which further impeded local management of territorial challenges. Ultimately, this book addresses why Presidents Franklin Pierce and James Buchanan failed to act, what hindered Congress from stepping into the void, and why and how the lack of effective governance harmed Kansas and later the United States.
Excerpt from Speech of Hon. A. P. Butler, of South Carolina, on the Difficulty of Messrs. Brooks and Sumner, and the Causes Thereof: Delivered in the Senate of the United States, June 12-13, 1856 I have made these remarks upon the character of the speech. He may regard them as criticism'. Whether my criticism be one that will be adopt ed by the public, or such as will address itself to the good taste and good sense of this audience, I know not. I have given the convictions of my mind. After these remarks upon the character of the speech, I come to make my points; and Iwill maintain them, not by general charges without specifications; not by that proclivity to error and falsehood which the Senator so decently imputed to me; not by general declamation from which he can take refuge in his own authority; but I will prove them by documents beyond all question. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
Although he was a central figure in one of the seminal events of American history, the May 1856 “Caning” of Senator Charles Sumner, Preston Brooks remains largely a forgotten figure, one in whom even professional historians have shown little interest. However, while Preston Brooks remains, as described by one historian, “an obscure and enigmatic individual”, there is no denying his place in history. The “Caning of Sumner” was one of the most notorious incidents of the nineteenth century, one that not only inflamed the passions of both North and South but rapidly hastened the process of disunion. As a principal actor in that event, Preston Brooks warrants a greater degree of historical scrutiny than he has heretofore received. To date, only a handful of published material exists on Preston Brooks, nearly all of which has dealt with the assault upon Charles Sumner, while ignoring virtually every other aspect of Brooks’ life. This book addresses this oversight through an in-depth examination of Brooks’s life, beginning with his youth in up-country South Carolina and concluding with his premature death, at age thirty-seven, in a Washington, DC hotel room. Certain to appeal to both professional scholars as well as to general readers of history, the book offers a unique perspective on one of history’s most compelling, yet controversial, figures while providing key insights into Brooks’s character and the motives that drove him to attack Charles Sumner.
This provocative book draws from a variety of sources—literature, politics, folklore, social history—to attempt to set Southern beliefs about violence in a cultural context. According to Dickson D. Bruce, the control of violence was a central concern of antebellum Southerners. Using contemporary sources, Bruce describes Southerners’ attitudes as illustrated in their duels, hunting, and the rhetoric of their politicians. He views antebellum Southerners as pessimistic and deeply distrustful of social relationships and demonstrates how this world view impelled their reliance on formal controls to regularize human interaction. The attitudes toward violence of masters, slaves, and “plain-folk”—the three major social groups of the period—are differentiated, and letters and family papers are used to illustrate how Southern child-rearing practices contributed to attitudes toward violence in the region. The final chapter treats Edgar Allan Poe as a writer who epitomized the attitudes of many Southerners before the Civil War.
In this comprehensive analysis of politics and ideology in antebellum South Carolina, Manisha Sinha offers a provocative new look at the roots of southern separatism and the causes of the Civil War. Challenging works that portray secession as a fight for white liberty, she argues instead that it was a conservative, antidemocratic movement to protect and perpetuate racial slavery. Sinha discusses some of the major sectional crises of the antebellum era--including nullification, the conflict over the expansion of slavery into western territories, and secession--and offers an important reevaluation of the movement to reopen the African slave trade in the 1850s. In the process she reveals the central role played by South Carolina planter politicians in developing proslavery ideology and the use of states' rights and constitutional theory for the defense of slavery. Sinha's work underscores the necessity of integrating the history of slavery with the traditional narrative of southern politics. Only by taking into account the political importance of slavery, she insists, can we arrive at a complete understanding of southern politics and the enormity of the issues confronting both northerners and southerners on the eve of the Civil War.
This fresh examination of antebellum politics comprehensively examines the ways that gender issues and gendered discourse exacerbated fissures within the Democratic Party in the critical years between 1856 and 1861. Whereas the cultural politics of gender had bolstered Democratic unity through the 1850s, the Lecompton crisis and John Brown's raid revealed that white manhood and its association with familial and national protection meant disparate—and ultimately incompatible—things in free and slave society. In fierce debates over the extension of slavery, gendered rhetoric hardened conflicts that ultimately led to the outbreak of the Civil War. Lauren Haumesser here traces how northern and southern Democrats and their partisan media organs used gender to make powerful arguments about slavery as the sectional crisis grew, from the emergence of the Republican Party to secession. Gendered charges and countercharges turned slavery into an intractable cultural debate, raising the stakes of every dispute and making compromise ever more elusive.
This book provides a transcript of a speech given by A. P. Butler discussing the conflict between two US congressmen and the underlying causes. It offers insight into the political atmosphere of the mid-19th century in the US. This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the "public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.