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Hong Yung Lee’s account of the Cultural Revolution illuminates its complexities and subtleties to an unprecedented degree. His primary concern is with the behavior of the masses once they were freed from party control, and his analysis of voluminous Red Guard publications highlights the different membership characteristics, positions, and strategies of both the student Red Guards and the worker Revolutionary Rebels, divided internally along a conservative-radical line. Rejecting the ideologically oriented assumption that workers and students of worker or peasant origin comprised the majority of the radical elements, Lee argues that students of bourgeois and other “bad” origins, workers in small factories, “sent-down” students, and demobilized soldiers were the radicals, whereas students from families with pre-1949 revolutionary careers and workers in large-scale and modern enterprises were found in large numbers among the conservatives. He contends that, contrary to some social science theories, the radicals were motivated by rational rather than ideological considerations, and that they attacked the status quo because it was they who experienced discrimination under the existing political system, whereas the conservatives generally belonged to favored social groups. Lee demonstrates that an adequate history of the Cultural Revolution cannot restrict itself to an analysis of policy difference among the elites, but must consider the behavior of the masses and their relationship with the elites. This title is part of UC Press’s Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1978.
To understand the Chinese military, and thereby the dynamics of China’s peacetime army, one must understand its organizational system. To that end, Harvey Nelsen has written a book that examines in detail the entire organization of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Dr. Nelsen studies the PLA from top to bottom. Throughout, he challenges the widely held theory that military politics in China are largely determined by personal relations among officers and that the PLA is more a civic-action army than are most military organizations. Important as a purely military study, this book is valuable also for the light it sheds on the whole of Chinese bureaucratic politics. This second edition has been revised to reflect changes that have occurred since the death of Chairman Mao as well as to incorporate new information about the Chinese military and political system during Mao’s reign.
This case study seeks to explain how organizations grow and the limits to that growth when an organization engaged in policy implementation lacks the resources necessary to achieve policy goals. The discussion of the basis of conflict that emerges from this study is of lasting significance. For years, studies of this issue have pointed to various models of factionalism, stressing the informal character of the groups involved. In Professor Ostrov's study, however, conflict is shown to have a supra-Cultural Revolutionary institutional basis in this and other key units.
Shanghai’s January Revolution was a highly visible and, by all accounts, crucially important event in China’s Cultural Revolution. Its occurrence, along with the subsequent attempt to establish a “commune” form of municipal government, has greatly shaped our understanding both of the goals originally envisaged for the Cultural Revolution by its leaders and of the political positions held by the new corps of Party leaders thrust upward during its course—most notably Chang Ch’un ch’iao. At this interpretive level, the events in Shanghai seem to embody in microcosm the issues and conflicts in Chinese politics during the Cultural Revolution as a whole, while at the same time shaping our conception of what these larger issues and conflicts were. At the more general, theoretical level, however, the events in Shanghai provide us with an unusual opportunity (thanks to Red Guard raids on Party offices) to view the internal workings of the Party organization under a period of stress and to observe unrestrained interest group formation and mass political conflict through the press accounts provided by these unofficial groups themselves. The January Revolution thus provides us with an opportunity to develop better our more abstract, theoretical understanding of the functioning of the Chinese political system and the dynamics of the social system in which it operates. [1]