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Explores the transformative reign of the Catholic King James VII and the revolution that brought about his fall.
This illuminating book looks beyond the capital and political elites to examine religious and political change in communities across Scotland during a transformative period of the nation's history. Providing a clear narrative of the period, the book draws on a wide range of sources to examine the relationship between central power and the Scottish localities, and to provide a thematic analysis of political and religious developments. James VII was a radically experimental ruler, who granted unprecedented religious toleration and intervened systematically in urban government. Here the sovereign's reign is examined in the context of British and European developments, and in the light of current historical debates. Key Features: The fullest examination to date of a transformative period in Scotland's past Analyses James VII's reign in the context of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century political and religious change; Provides a clear narrative of the period, as well as thematic analysis of political and religious developments; Draws on a wide range of sources, including the local records of the Church of Scotland and all surviving council minutes of the royal burghs.
The English revolution is one of the most intensely-debated events in history; parallel events in Scotland have never attracted the same degree of interest. Rethinking the Scottish Revolution argues for a new interpretation of the seventeenth-century Scottish revolution that goes beyond questions about its radicalism, and reconsiders its place within an overarching 'British' narrative. Laura Stewart analyses how interactions between print and manuscript polemic, crowds, and political performances enabled protestors against a Prayer Book to destroy Charles I's Scottish government. Particular attention is given to the way in which debate in Scotland was affected by the emergence of London as a major publishing centre. The subscription of the 1638 National Covenant occurred within this context and further politicized subordinate social groups that included women. Unlike in England, however, public debate was contained. A remodelled constitution revivified the institutions of civil and ecclesiastical governance, enabling Covenanted Scotland to pursue interventionist policies in Ireland and England - albeit at terrible cost to the Scottish people. War transformed the nature of state power in Scotland, but this achievement was contentious and fragile. A key weakness lay in the separation of ecclesiastical and civil authority, which justified for some a strictly conditional understanding of obedience to temporal authority. Rethinking the Scottish Revolution explores challenges to legitimacy of the Covenanted constitution, but qualifies the idea that Scotland was set on a course to destruction as a result. Covenanted government was overthrown by the new model army in 1651, but its ideals persisted. In Scotland as well as England, the language of liberty, true religion, and the public interest had justified resistance to Charles I. The Scottish revolution embedded a distinctive and durable political culture that ultimately proved resistant to assimilation into the nascent British state.
The years 1690–1727 represented a period of significant change for Scotland. It was a time of grand colonial endeavours and financial innovation, punctuated by bouts of economic turmoil and constitutional and political uncertainty. The infamous Darien Scheme, the establishment of the Bank of Scotland and the Royal Bank of Scotland, the Anglo-Scots Union, the Hanoverian Succession, and the Jacobite rising of 1715, all occurred during this short time span. Therefore, it was not only a period that presented Scotland with opportunities but also a period in which the country ultimately lost its autonomy. It was also during these years, and against this unsettled backdrop, that the Scottish Financial Revolution commenced. The complexity of the Scottish situation during the late seventeenth and the early eighteen centuries has historically made the identification of a Scottish Financial Revolution difficult. This monograph, the first dedicated to the topic, addresses this problem and provides a model for identifying and understanding the revolution through the economic, political, and constitutional contexts of the period. Using examples of financial developments and innovation driven by Scotsmen in Scotland, Europe, and the colonies, this work defines the Scottish Financial Revolution as a series of developments which took place in Scotland when political circumstances allowed, but which also occurred outwith Scotland through the agency of members of the Scottish diaspora. This monograph is therefore the story of how Scotsmen at home and abroad contributed to financial debate and development between 1690 and 1727. Credit, Currency, and Capital: The Scottish Financial Revolution, 1690–1727 will appeal to students and scholars interested in the history of Economics and Finance. It will also be of interest to those studying the history of the Anglo-Scots Union and the complex relationship between Scotland and England.
What did it mean to be a Covenanter?
Enlightened Oxford aims to discern, establish, and clarify the multiplicity of connections between the University of Oxford, its members, and the world outside; to offer readers a fresh, contextualised sense of the University's role in the state, in society, and in relation to other institutions between the Williamite Revolution and the first decade of the nineteenth century, the era loosely describable (though not without much qualification) as England's ancien regime. Nigel Aston asks where Oxford fitted in to the broader social and cultural picture of the time, locating the University's importance in Church and state, and pondering its place as an institution that upheld religious entitlement in an ever-shifting intellectual world where national and confessional boundaries were under scrutiny. Enlightened Oxford is less an inside history than a consideration of an institutional presence and its place in the life of the country and further afield. While admitting the degree of corporate inertia to be found in the University, there was internal scope for members so inclined to be creative in their teaching, open new research lines, and be unapologetic Whigs rather than unrepentant Tories. For if Oxford was a seat of learning rooted in its past - and with an increasing antiquarian awareness of its inheritance - yet it had a surprising capacity for adaptation, a scope for intellectual and political pluralism that was not incompatible with enlightened values.
This is a political biography of William III (1650–1702): prince of Orange; stadhouder in the Netherlands from 1672; and (in a novel joint monarchy with his wife, Mary), king of England, Scotland, and Ireland after the revolution of 1688–9. William III explains how William overcame huge disadvantages at his birth to regain his family’s traditional dominance of Dutch politics; how he dedicated his life to the defeat of Louis XIV of France; how this brought him to the Stuart thrones in Britain and Ireland; and how he managed a war from 1689 which shifted the balance of Europe. William achieved these remarkable successes by being a new kind of ‘hybrid’ ruler. He befitted the traditional roles of aristocratic leadership and royalty: acting as a war leader, displaying personal and court magnificence, manipulating dynastic ties, and performing an authoritative masculinity. Yet he was also a master of an emerging public politics in which the opinions of others, and even wide populations, mattered. He persuaded his countries to fight Louis XIV of France with a brilliant mixture of mass print propaganda; skills of persuasion, compromise, and consent-building; a strong partnership with his popular wife; and a presentation of himself as his people’s servant. For all this significance, and innovation, he deserves to be far better known than he has been among anyone interested in the origins of modern Europe. This book will appeal to scholars and students alike studying the life and rule of William III, as well as more general audiences interested in the history of early modern England, Scotland, and Ireland within the political landscape of Western Europe.
A study of Scottish thinkers and writers in their political and cultural context. The "advancement of learning" was the term used by late seventeenth-century Scots for intellectual enquiry of all kinds. Encouraged by Stuart patronage, and echoing a Royalist ideology of continuity and order following the chaos of the Civil War, the "Virtuosi", Scottish writers and thinkers, sought to define Scotland's identity. They undertook structured, empirical enquiry into Scottish natural history and geography, human history and antiquities, law and society, while the legal and medical professions developed their status and purpose through institutions such as the Royal College of Physicians and the Advocates' Library. They both complemented and eclipsed the changing intellectual life of the Church and Universities. This book considers the work of leading authors, such as Sir George Mackenzie, Sir Robert Sibbald and Lord Stair, alongside the many other voices engaged in learned research and debate, examining their shared or contrasting philosophy and methods. It shows how a distinctively Scottish take on the "Scientific Revolution" was enhanced by close contacts with the Royal Society and English thinkers, and a conscious membership of the European Republic of Letters.
Examines the union of England and Scotland by weaving the navy into a political narrative of events between the regal union in 1603 and the parliamentary union in 1707.This book examines the union of England and Scotland by weaving the navy into a political narrative of events between the regal union in 1603 and the parliamentary union in 1707. For most of the century the Scottish crown had no separate naval force which made the Stuart monarchs' navy, seen by them as a personal not a state force, unusual in being an institution which had a relationship with both kingdoms. This did not necessarily make the navy a shared organisation, as it continued to be financed from and based in England and was predominantly English. Nevertheless, the navy is an unusually good prism through which the nature of the regal union can be interrogated as English commanded ships interacted with Scottish authorities, and as Scots looked to the navy for protection from foreign invaders, such as the Dutch in the Forth in 1667, and for Scottish merchant ships trading with the Baltic and elsewhere. These interactions were often harmonious, but there were also many instances of tensions, particularly in the 1690s. The book illustrates both the ambiguous relationship between England and Scotland in the seventeenth century and also the navy's under-appreciated role in creating the political union of Britain.r Scottish merchant ships trading with the Baltic and elsewhere. These interactions were often harmonious, but there were also many instances of tensions, particularly in the 1690s. The book illustrates both the ambiguous relationship between England and Scotland in the seventeenth century and also the navy's under-appreciated role in creating the political union of Britain.r Scottish merchant ships trading with the Baltic and elsewhere. These interactions were often harmonious, but there were also many instances of tensions, particularly in the 1690s. The book illustrates both the ambiguous relationship between England and Scotland in the seventeenth century and also the navy's under-appreciated role in creating the political union of Britain.r Scottish merchant ships trading with the Baltic and elsewhere. These interactions were often harmonious, but there were also many instances of tensions, particularly in the 1690s. The book illustrates both the ambiguous relationship between England and Scotland in the seventeenth century and also the navy's under-appreciated role in creating the political union of Britain.
This book assesses the everyday use of petitions in administrative and judicial settings and contrasts these with more assertive forms of political petitioning addressed to assemblies or rulers. A petition used to be a humble means of asking a favour, but in the early modern period, petitioning became more assertive and participative. This book shows how this contrasted to ordinary petitioning, often to the consternation of authorities. By evaluating petitioning practices in Scotland, England and Denmark, the book traces the boundaries between ordinary and adversarial petitioning and shows how non-elites could become involved in politics through petitioning. Also observed are the responses of authorities to participative petitions, including the suppression or forgetting of unwelcome petitions and consequent struggles to establish petitioning as a right rather than a privilege. Together the chapters in this book indicate the significance of collective petitioning in articulating early modern public opinion and shaping contemporary ideas about opinion at large. The chapters in this book were originally published in the journal Parliaments, Estates & Representation.