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The America of the modern administrative state is not the America of the original Constitution. This transformation comes not only from the ordinary course of historical change and development, but also from a radical, new philosophy of government that was imported into the American political tradition by the Progressives of the late nineteenth century. The new thinking about the principles of government―and open hostility to the American Constitution―led to a host of concrete changes in American political institutions. Our government today reflects these original Progressive innovations, even if they are often unrecognized as such because they have become ingrained in American political culture. This book shows the nature of these changes, both in principles and in the nuts and bolts of governing. It also shows how progressivism was often at the root of critical developments subsequent to the Progressive Era in more recent American political history―how it was different than the New Deal, the liberalism of the 1960s, and today’s liberalism, but also how these subsequent developments could not have transpired without the ground laid by the original Progressives.
Considers H.R. 7787, to amend the Housing Act of 1954 to authorize Housing and Home Finance Agency grants to local governments for urban mass transportation system development and operation. Includes Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations report "Intergovernmental Responsibilities for Mass Transportation Facilities and Services in Metropolitan Areas," Apr. 1961 (p. 79-135)
DIVDIVFinalist for the National Book Award: A groundbreaking portrait of the intersection of law and politics in Robert F. Kennedy’s Department of Justice/divDIV As United States Attorney General, the young, legally inexperienced Robert F. Kennedy sat at the head of a vast department tasked with enforcing the law and defending the rights of an entire nation. Although his family connection to the White House raised eyebrows, Robert Kennedy’s tenure was marked by impassioned battles to root out corruption and protect individual civil liberties. From his fierce stand against organized crime to his tumultuous relationship with FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, RFK proved time and again that he was a champion of fairness./divDIV In this investigative account of the Kennedy years, acclaimed scholar Victor S. Navasky crafts an unmatched portrait of the complex interaction of power and principle in the halls of justice./divDIV/div/div
Corporate social responsibility was one of the most consequential business trends of the twentieth century. Having spent decades burnishing reputations as both great places to work and generous philanthropists, large corporations suddenly abandoned their commitment to their communities and employees during the 1980s and 1990s, indicated by declining job security, health insurance, and corporate giving. Douglas M. Eichar argues that for most of the twentieth century, the benevolence of large corporations functioned to stave off government regulations and unions, as corporations voluntarily adopted more progressive workplace practices or made philanthropic contributions. Eichar contends that as governmental and union threats to managerial prerogatives withered toward the century's end, so did corporate social responsibility. Today, with shareholder value as their beacon, large corporations have shred their social contract with their employees, decimated unions, avoided taxes, and engaged in all manner of risky practices and corrupt politics. This book is the first to cover the entire history of twentieth-century corporate social responsibility. It provides a valuable perspective from which to revisit the debate concerning the public purpose of large corporations. It also offers new ideas that may transform the public debate about regulating larger corporations.