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This book provides the first bilateral study of Greek–US relations during Greece’s transition to democracy in the second half of the 1970s. Following the 1974 Cyprus crisis, which led to the collapse of the Greek dictatorship and Athens’ partial withdrawal from NATO, many scholars have claimed that Greece moved away from the United States. This book explicitly rejects this view. It argues that Greek political leaders continued to view close relations with the United States as an integral part of Greek national security despite the disappointment felt during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. At the same time, the Greek leadership could not overlook the anti-American movement, and had to respond to and manage it. In the United States, relations with Greece became part of the clash between the executive and legislative branches of government. Both President Gerard R. Ford and President Jimmy Carter proclaimed their commitment to restoring relations with Athens. This book highlights the continuity between the Republican and Democratic administrations of the 1970s in foreign policy objectives. Drawing on Greek, US and British archival records, it charts the evolving connections between Greece and the United States through the Greek–Turkish disputes, the impact of anti-Americanism and the Greek–NATO relationship offering original insight into this Cold War special relationship.
This book explores the post-war Greco-German relationship and asks how this relationship fits into, and changes, the narrative of European integration. The book highlights West Germany’s role in shaping Greece’s development model and argues that Greece's accession to the Community in 1981 had a long back story in the modernization strategies adopted by the two countries as early as the 1950s. The success, not the failure, of those strategies lies at the root of Greece's lingering balance of payments problems: the ever-widening trade deficit with Germany, the country’s main trading partner, was the price of Greek economic growth in the decades following the war. By addressing this three-decade story of uneasy continuity, the book offers new insights into core-periphery relations in Europe, questions the conventional wisdom about Greece’s path to Europe, and challenges the way the so-called North-South divide has been adduced to explain the recent euro crisis. In doing so, the author calls attention to past cooperation between leading political and business circles in Greece and Germany, making this a useful and insightful read for historians and political scientists alike.
This issue of zeitgeschichte off ers a comprehensive survey of aspects of Yugoslav foreign policy during Cold War détente. Due to its geostrategic location on the Balkan peninsula, Yugoslavia became an important focus for the U.S.S.R. and the United States during the East–West confl ict. After the break with Stalin in 1948, the Yugoslav "leader" Tito sought to position Yugoslavia as a non-aligned state on the international level and played a hegemonic role in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). The articles analyze Yugoslav policy in the 1960s and 1970s, examining its intentions, its developments, its strategic advantages, and its limits in the context of (geo-)political, economic, and cultural circumstances, with a focus on non-alignment as a leitmotiv of Yugoslav political ambitions, political and economic relations between Yugoslavia and countries of the NAM, the role of the Balkans in U.S. Cold War policy, and aspects of Yugoslav labor migration.
The volume examines one of the most sensitive issues in the contemporary diplomatic history of the eastern Mediterranean, namely, the nexus between Greece, Turkey, the Cyprus problem and NATO in the crucial period between 1973 and 1988. Beginning with the emergence of the Aegean dispute in 1973 and ending with the most comprehensive attempt to date to solve the Greek–Turkish conflict in the wake of the Davos rapprochement process in 1988. The analysis in this book goes back to developments that occurred in the first half of the 20th century.
This book presents a colourful and analytical picture of Turkish-American relations from the early nineteenth century to the post cold war era, providing excellent reference for study of their impact as well as for a deeper understanding of the region.
In The Cold War from the Margins, Theodora K. Dragostinova reappraises the global 1970s from the perspective of a small socialist state—Bulgaria—and its cultural engagements with the Balkans, the West, and the Third World. During this anxious decade, Bulgaria's communist leadership invested heavily in cultural diplomacy to bolster its legitimacy at home and promote its agendas abroad. Bulgarians traveled the world to open museum exhibitions, show films, perform music, and showcase the cultural heritage and future aspirations of their "ancient yet modern" country. As Dragostinova shows, these encounters transcended the Cold War's bloc mentality: Bulgaria's relations with Greece and Austria warmed, émigrés once considered enemies were embraced, and new cultural ties were forged with India, Mexico, and Nigeria. Pursuing contact with the West and solidarity with the Global South boosted Bulgaria's authoritarian regime by securing new allies and unifying its population. Complicating familiar narratives of both the 1970s and late socialism, The Cold War from the Margins places the history of socialism in an international context and recovers alternative models of global interconnectivity along East-South lines. Thanks to generous funding from The Ohio State University Libraries and its participation in TOME (Toward an Open Monograph Ecosystem), the ebook editions of this book are available as Open Access volumes from Cornell Open (cornellpress.cornell.edu/cornell-open) and other repositories.
The discord between Turkey and Greece has grown deeper and wider over time, over a series of seemingly vital issues, which have at times brought the two countries to the brink of war. Yet in 1999 the two countries opened a dialogue on non-sensitive issues such as trade, the environment and tourism. The causes of the current rapprochement progress are explored in this book in relation both to the international environment which is increasingly conducive to this progress, and the significant domestic changes that both Greece and Turkey have experienced since the end of the Cold War. This book confronts each of these important dimensions by addressing issues of continuity and change in Greek-Turkish relations.
European Union Enlargement provides a comparative analysis of the post-war European policies of those states that joined the European Union between 1973 and 1995. The volume draws upon new empirical research in order to investigate the policies that these 'newcomer' states have had towards Europe since 1945, with an emphasis on their experience of membership and its possible Europeanising effect. A final comparative chapter draws the national European policies of the 'newcomers' together and outlines what they have brought to the EU. The book also tests integration theories against the available evidence, demonstrating their limited explanatory value and the economic, political and cultural specificity of different national paths towards EU integration.
The contributors, who also bear in mind domestic factors, investigate Greek foreign policy in the 1990s in the context of these changes. They ask whether Greece is an awkward partner in the European Union; whether Greece will be able to remain an equal member of the EU; how it treats its minorities and political dissenters; and, controversially, whether Greek policy contributed to the Balkan crisis.
In this present study Michel Verdon posits a radical and multidisciplinary method of examining household formation by refuting this 'collectivist set of suppositions' and recognizing residence as the critical determinant of all household forming practices. This book argues that the natural preference of adults not constituting part of a couple is to reside independently of others. The reasons why they do not do so are contingent on various economic or cultural constraints.