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In the transatlantic world of the late eighteenth century, easterly winds blew radical thought to America. Thomas Paine had already arrived on these shores in 1774 and made his mark as a radical pamphleteer during the Revolution. In his wake followed more than 200 other radical exiles—English Dissenters, Whigs, and Painites; Scottish "lads o'parts"; and Irish patriots—who became influential newspaper writers and editors and helped change the nature of political discourse in a young nation. Michael Durey has written the first full-scale analysis of these radicals, evaluating the long-term influence their ideas have had on American political thought. Transatlantic Radicals uncovers the roots of their radicalism in the Old World and tells the story of how these men came to be exiled, how they emigrated, and how they participated in the politics of their adopted country. Nearly all of these radicals looked to Paine as their spiritual leader and to Thomas Jefferson as their political champion. They held egalitarian, anti-federalist values and promoted an extreme form of participatory democracy that found a niche in the radical wing of Jefferson's Republican Party. Their divided views on slavery, however, reveal that democratic republicanism was unable to cope with the realities of that institution. As political activists during the 1790s, they proved crucial to Jefferson's 1800 presidential victory; then, after his views moderated and their influence waned, many repatriated, others drifted into anonymity, and a few managed to find success in the New World. Although many of these men are known to us through other histories, their influence as a group has never before been so closely examined. Durey persuasively demonstrates that the intellectual ferment in Britain did indeed have tremendous influence on American politics. His account of that influence sheds considerable light on transatlantic political history and differences in religious, political, and economic freedoms. Skillfully balancing a large cast of characters, Transatlantic Radicals depicts the diversity of their experiences and shows how crucial these reluctant émigrés were to shaping our republic in its formative years.
This authoritative Companion introduces readers to the developments that lead to Britain becoming a great world power, the leading European imperial state, and, at the same time, the most economically and socially advanced, politically liberal and religiously tolerant nation in Europe. Covers political, social, cultural, economic and religious history. Written by an international team of experts. Examines Britain's position from the perspective of other European nations.
James Mylne (1757-1839) taught moral philosophy and political economy in Glasgow from 1797 to the mid-1830s. Rational Piety and Social Reform in Glasgow offers readers Mylne's biography, a summary of his lectures on moral philosophy and political economy, several interpretative essays, and a collation of his introductory lecture. Mylne's moral philosophy lectures cover the intellectual and active powers of man and offer an account of his duties to God, neighbor, and self. He diverges from the "moral sense" and "common sense" traditions associated with Francis Hutcheson and Thomas Reid in Glasgow. He reinstates reason as the guiding principle of conscience and argues for utility as the predominant criterion of morality. Mylne was also active among the Whig "friends of Mr. Fox" and in the Glasgow Reform Association, for his theory of the sovereignty of reason drove his view of political reform and the concept of value in his lectures on political economy. In a criticism of Adam Smith, Mylne interprets use-value as prior to exchange value, founding it in lawful desires identifiable by a merchant community. Mylne's political opinions and activity among local political reformers and literary societies exemplify the Glasgow Whig tradition.
Each of the writings this book deals with were influenced by and capitalized on certain aspects of Scottish culture in the late-18th and early 19th centuries and those cultural influences combined to forge a rhetorical approach that practically guaranteed the Scottish men of letters a dominant place in the public sphere. This book covers the Edinburgh Review in and as the public sphere 1802-08; Christopher North and the review essay as conversational exhibition; Lockhart's modified amateurism and the shame of authorship; and the Presbyterian sermon, Carlyle's homiletic essays, and Scottish periodical writing.
McHardy presents a new approach to history, changing our mindset to look at Scotland as the centre of our story. Rather than starting from the Mediterranean, from the classical/Christian bias we have been taught for centuries. Rather than being a remote dark land populated by barbaric tribes. Perhaps we were the centre of a well-organised civilisation around the Orkneys and islands and coasts and rivers, with our own priorities, community-centred, locally self-sufficient, well-versed in lore of all kinds. Who were/are we? The great centres of ritual in Orkney, Lewis and Kilmartin suggest an indigenous population much more sophisticated in terms of social ritual and communal rule than we have been led to believe. In whose interest is it that we accept the classical/Christian version of history relayed to us by monks? These are some of the questions McHardy addresses in a passionate and accessible style. Read and become more Alba-centric in terms of what we see as important to research, study and understand.
This is the first comprehensive and up-to-date biography of Henry Dundas, 1st Viscount Melville (1742-1811) and his son Robert, 2nd Viscount Melville (1771-1851). Aided by other members of their family, they ruled Scotland from the 1770s to the 1830s in a period of government later dubbed 'the Dundas Despotism'. Using a mass of new primary and secondary material culled from England, Scotland, Ireland and the United States, Michael Fry here challenges the traditional view that theirs was a corrupt and authoritarian regime. He shows that both father and son sought to achieve good government within the accepted political conventions of the age, and that many of the principles they set out to apply were owed directly to Scottish Enlightenment ideas. The Dundases were also of fundamental importance in drawing Scotland more fully into the United Kingdom and enabling the Union of 1707 to work. This is a sparkling reassessment of a crucial period of Scottish, British and imperial history. The Dundas Despotism was previously published by Edinburgh University Press.
This collection of essays addresses the role of literature in radical politics. Topics covered include the legacy of Robert Burns, broadside literature in Munster and radical literature in Wales.
The political awakening of Scotland in the last quarter of the 18th century is documented by the growing number of pamphlets and other literature in those years. This number increased dramatically following the diffusion of the ideas of the French Revolution, and the heated debate it inspired. Already the war with the American colonies had led to a more widespread interest in politics, and the issues of sovereignty and of representation were to become more and more crucial as the need for a reform - at local as well as at national level - made itself felt. The annotated checklist constitutes a documentary source for further studies in this field, while the comments appended to the items offer information and suggestions for possible directions of research.
The English Jacobins is a full-scale study of the English reformers of the late eighteenth century, called ""Jacobins"" by their enemies who feared a repetition of the radical excesses of revolutionary France. Cone describes the rise of reform organizations during the controversy in Parliament over John Wilkes, who attempted to blow up Parliament in the 1760s, and he charts the progress of these organizations until they were disbanded, temporarily, after the sedition trials of 1794. Analyzing the goals and accomplishments of the reformers, Cone stresses that they worked for constitutional and civil not social or economic changes. The reformers were, in fact, more interested in restoring ""Anglo-Saxon"" liberties and the benefits of the Glorious Revolution of 1688 than in carrying out the ideas of Rousseau or borrowing from the example of the Paris Commune. If there were foreign influences on the English radicals, these were provided by former American colonists who had used committees of correspondence and constituent assemblies to such good effect against the monarchy. Cone considers the fluctuating fortunes of the reformers. At various times the radicals had important allies in Parliament, like Charles James Fox and William Pitt, and included in their number such accomplished figures as Richard Price, the moral philosopher, and Joseph Priestley, the chemist, as well as dissenting ministers. The ""Jacobins"" achieved their greatest publicity when Tom Paine replied to Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France with his own Rights of Man and in the pamphlet war that followed. This intriguing work connects The American Revolution with the British Reform Movement, while documenting an important period in British history.