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The Integrations plan is a process that requires work, time and institutional commitment. The mobilization of all bring the success of acceptance into the Euro-Atlantic, which is main intention of the Republic of Kosovo to be part of European Union, NATO, etc. In the phase where the new republic is found in Europe, is initial stage, figuratively speaking "as a child in the first steps of walking." The commitment of the Government of the Republic of Kosovo, especially the Ministry of Integration and Foreign Ministry, is not missing, even though is required work and cooperation from the other ministries, also by the citizens themselves, diaspora, businesses, etc. As the newest state without any political and diplomatic influence, the Republic of Kosovo should strengthen the sector of public diplomacy which mobilizes all institutional structures, non-governmental organizations, individual citizens, etc. Public diplomacy is seen as a way of achieving the goals by smaller states which do not have influence on other forms. This diplomacy also sends to achievement of goals for integration, and my suggestion about the fulfillment of conditions for integration is to use public diplomacy, about forms and methods that should be used by the Republic of Kosovo, I have explore and explain in the continuing of the paper.
The declaration of independence marked a new era for Kosovo and its relations with the countries that have recognized its independence. Since then Kosovo is striving in its diplomatic efforts to achieve broader international recognition and become a member of the United Nations. Instruments of traditional diplomacy do not necessarily present the sole means of Kosovo to interact with other States to the service of its foreign policy and the practice of international relations. In modern times, public diplomacy is receiving broad recognition as a crucial element for understanding and influencing foreign publics. Outreach, communication and understanding present the core concepts necessary to successfully complement traditional diplomacy in fulfilling foreign policy objectives. Driven by foreign policy challenges, public diplomacy efforts and practices are emerging as tools to proactively engage with non-governmental actors such as: think-tanks, research institutes, academia, NGOs, the media, business communities, and relevant associations of other countries that are engaged in second track diplomacy.
This edited collection draws upon interdisciplinary research to explore new dimensions in the politics of image and aid. While development communication and public diplomacy are established research fields, there is little scholarship that seeks to understand how the two areas relate to one another. However, international development doctrine in the US, UK and elsewhere increasingly suggests that they are integrated–or at the very least should be–at the level of national strategy. This timely volume considers a variety of cases in diverse regions, drawing upon a combination of theoretical and conceptual lenses that combine a focus on both aid and image. The result is a text that seeks to establish a new body of knowledge on how contemporary debates into public diplomacy, soft power and the national image are fundamentally changing not just the communication of aid, but its wider strategies, modalities and practices.
This edited volume explores the different ways in which members of the European Union have interacted with Kosovo since it declared independence in 2008. While there is a tendency to think of EU states in terms of two distinct groups – those that have recognised Kosovo and those that have not – the picture is more complex. Taking into account also the quality and scope of their engagement with Kosovo, there are four broad categories of member states that can be distinguished: the strong and weak recognisers and the soft and hard non-recognisers. In addition to casting valuable light on the relations between various EU members and Kosovo, this book also makes an important contribution to the way in which the concepts of recognition and engagement, and their relationship to each other, are understood in academic circles and by policy makers.
As a bridge between Europe and Asia, the West and the Middle East, Turkey sees its influence increasing. Its foreign policy is becoming more complex, making sophisticated public diplomacy an essential tool. This volume - the first in English about the subject - examines this rising power's path toward being a more consequential global player.
How do emerging states obtain international recognition and secure membership of international organisations in contemporary world politics? This book provides the first in-depth study of Kosovo’s diplomatic approach to becoming a sovereign state by obtaining international recognition and securing membership of international organisations. Analysing the everyday diplomatic discourses, performances, and entanglements, this book contends that state-becoming is not wholly determined by systemic factors, normative institutions, or the preferences of great powers; the diplomatic agency of the fledgling state plays a far more important role than is generally acknowledged. Drawing on institutional ethnographic research and first-hand observations, this book argues that Kosovo’s diplomatic success in consolidating its sovereign statehood has been the situational assemblage of multiple discourses, practiced through a broad variety of performative actions, and shaped by a complex entanglement with global assemblages of norms, actors, relations, and events. Accordingly, this book contributes to expanding our understanding of the everyday diplomatic agency of emerging states and the changing norms, politics, and practices regarding the diplomatic recognition of states and their admission to international society.
After eleven weeks of bombing in the spring of 1999, the United States and NATO ultimately won the war in Kosovo. Serbian troops were forced to withdraw, enabling an international military and political presence to take charge in the region. But was this war inevitable or was it the product of failed western diplomacy prior to the conflict? And once it became necessary to use force, did NATO adopt a sound strategy to achieve its aims of stabilizing Kosovo? In this first in-depth study of the Kosovo crisis, Ivo Daalder and Michael O'Hanlon answer these and other questions about the causes, conduct, and consequences of the war. Based on interviews with many of the key participants, they conclude that notwithstanding important diplomatic mistakes before the conflict, it would have been difficult to avoid the Kosovo war. That being the case, U.S. and NATO conduct of the war left much to be desired. For more than four weeks, the Serbs succeeded where NATO failed, forcefully changing Kosovo's ethnic balance by forcing 1.5 million Albanians from their home and more than 800,000 from the country. Had they chosen to massacre more of their victims, NATO would have been powerless to stop them. In the end, NATO won the war by increasing the scope and intensity of bombing, making serious plans for a ground invasion, and moving diplomacy into full gear in order to convince Belgrade that this was a war Serbia would never win. The Kosovo crisis is a cautionary tale for those who believe force can be used easily and in limited increments to stop genocide, mass killing, and the forceful expulsion of entire populations. Daalder and O'Hanlon conclude that the crisis holds important diplomatic and military lessons that must be learned so that others in the future might avoid the mistakes that were made in this case.
Through personal experience and a lively narrative, this book examines the difficulty of communicating in adversarial environments like Iraq and Afghanistan, the complexity of multi-linguistic communications, and the importance of directing American cultural power in the national interest.