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"In the aftermath of the First World War, the victorious powers argued that democracy would bring peace to Europe because this was the only effective way for legitimate states, with governments based on the consent of the governed, to be organized. What the victorious statesmen failed to foresee was how much conflict this postwar settlement would provoke, since it was far from clear exactly which people should qualify for the privilege of self-governance. While the victors sought to craft a more legalistic form of population engineering than the often violent and ad hoc versions employed further east, the result nevertheless remained at odds with the ethical foundations of liberal democracy"--Provided by publisher.
Dogmatism, prejudice and bigotry are becoming ever more evident on the contemporary political scene and dissent is one of their main targets. This text explores the negative impact this shift is having on public life, with radically-oriented governments striving to close down dissenting voices in both their political opponents and the mainstream media. It defends dissent as a critical element in the democratic process which ought to be encouraged instead of allowing ourselves to fall into an state of despair, as is increasingly occurring on the political left in the face of the dramatic rise of right-wing populism. The concept is explored in a wide sense to identify how it works in philosophy, religion, science and the arts as well as in politics.
"As traditional for-profit news media in the United States declines in economic viability and sheer numbers of outlets and staff, what does and what should the constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press mean? The book examines the current news ecosystem in the U.S. and chronicles historical developments in government involvement in shaping the industry. It argues that initiatives by the government and by private-sector actors are not only permitted but called for as transformations in technology, economics, and communications jeopardize the production and distribution of and trust in news and the very existence of local news reporting. It presents ten proposals for change to help preserve the free press essential to our democratic society"--
In 1920, socialist leader Eugene V. Debs ran for president while serving a ten-year jail term for speaking against America’s role in World War I. Though many called Debs a traitor, others praised him as a prisoner of conscience, a martyr to the cause of free speech. Nearly a million Americans agreed, voting for a man whom the government had branded an enemy to his country. In a beautifully crafted narrative, Ernest Freeberg shows that the campaign to send Debs from an Atlanta jailhouse to the White House was part of a wider national debate over the right to free speech in wartime. Debs was one of thousands of Americans arrested for speaking his mind during the war, while government censors were silencing dozens of newspapers and magazines. When peace was restored, however, a nationwide protest was unleashed against the government’s repression, demanding amnesty for Debs and his fellow political prisoners. Led by a coalition of the country’s most important intellectuals, writers, and labor leaders, this protest not only liberated Debs, but also launched the American Civil Liberties Union and changed the course of free speech in wartime. The Debs case illuminates our own struggle to define the boundaries of permissible dissent as we continue to balance the right of free speech with the demands of national security. In this memorable story of democracy on trial, Freeberg excavates an extraordinary episode in the history of one of America’s most prized ideals.
Peaceful protest is a strong driver for democratization across the globe. Yet, it doesn't always lead to democratic transition, as seen in the Arab Spring revolutions in Egypt or Yemen. Why do some nonviolent transitions end in democracy while others do not? In From Dissent to Democracy, Jonathan Pinckney systematically examines transitions initiated by nonviolent resistance campaigns and argues that two key factors explain whether or not democracy will follow such efforts. First, a movement must sustain high levels of social mobilization. Second, it must direct that mobilization away from revolutionary "maximalist" goals and tactics and towards support for new institutions. Pinckney tests his theory by presenting a global statistical analysis of all political transitions from 1945-2011 and three case studies from Nepal, Zambia, and Brazil. Original and empirically rigorous, this book provides new insights into the intersection of democratization and nonviolent resistance and gives actionable recommendations for how to encourage democratic transitions.
Throughout human history mankind has dealt with the benefits and/or consequences of ideologies and "isms." Conflict defined or propelled by the "them" versus "us" dynamic has fueled much of human misery.Fortunately, injuries and miseries have not prevailed forever but have succumbed to the countervailing force of human intervention -- expressed through active civil, social and political engagement. Americans, descended from activists in pursuit of independence from the British Crown, and those who arrived on these shores at other times and from various other places, still retain the courageous spirit of resistance and positive dissent -- acted out in the fight for Women's rights, abolition of slavery, civil rights and numerous other challenges. Now, the challenge is to rekindle that revolutionary spirit -- at a time when it is critically needed.This book focuses on the roots of our current political and social climate and provides insight into how we can create lasting, positive and forward-moving change in our country.
While liberal-democratic states like America, Britain and Australia claim to value freedom of expression and the right to dissent, they have always actually criminalized dissent. This disposition has worsened since 9/11 and the 2008 Great Recession. This ground-breaking study shows that just as dissent involves far more than protest marches, so too liberal-democratic states have expanded the criminalization of dissent. Drawing on political and social theorists like Arendt, Bourdieu and Isin, the book offers a new way of thinking about politics, dissent and its criminalization relationally. Using case studies like the Occupy movement, selective refusal by Israeli soldiers, urban squatters, democratic education and violence by anti-Apartheid activists, the book highlights the many forms dissent takes along with the many ways liberal-democratic states criminalize it. The book highlights the mix of fear and delusion in play when states privilege security to protect an imagined ‘political order’ from difference and disagreement. The book makes a major contribution to political theory, legal studies and sociology. Linking legal, political and normative studies in new ways, Watts shows that ultimately liberal-democracies rely more on sovereignty and the capacity for coercion and declarations of legal ‘states of exception’ than on liberal-democratic principles. In a time marked by a deepening crisis of democracy, the book argues dissent is increasingly valuable.
Freedom in the World is the standard-setting comparative assessment of global political rights and civil liberties. The methodology of this survey is derived in large measure from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and these standards are applied to all countries and territories.
Reclaiming Dissent is a unique collection of essays that focus on the value of dissent for the survival of democracy in the United States and the role that education can play with respect to this virtue. The various contributors to this volume share the conviction that the vitality of a democracy depends on the ability of ordinary citizens to debate and oppose the decisions of their government. Yet recent history in the United States suggests that dissent is discouraged and even suppressed in the political, cultural and educational arenas. Many Americans are not even aware that democracy is not primarily about voting every four years or majority rule, but about actively participating in public debates and civic action. This book makes a strong case for the need to reclaim a tradition in the United States, like the one that existed during the Civil Rights Era, in which dissent, opposition, and conflict were part of the daily fabric of our democracy. Teacher educators, teacher candidates, new teachers, and educators in general can greatly benefit from reading this book.