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This radical new reading of British Conservatives' fortunes between the wars explores how the party adapted to the challenges of mass democracy after 1918. Geraint Thomas offers a fresh perspective on the relationship between local and national Conservatives' political strategies for electoral survival, which ensured that Conservative activists, despite their suspicion of coalitions, emerged as champions of the cross-party National Government from 1931 to 1940. By analysing the role of local campaigning in the age of mass broadcasting, Thomas re-casts inter-war Conservatism. Popular Conservatism thus emerges less as the didactic product of Stanley Baldwin's consensual public image, and more concerned with the everyday material interests of the electorate. Exploring the contributions of key Conservative figures in the National Government, including Neville Chamberlain, Walter Elliot, Oliver Stanley, and Kingsley Wood, this study reveals how their pursuit of the 'politics of recovery' enabled the Conservatives to foster a culture of programmatic, activist government that would become prevalent in Britain after the Second World War.
A radical reading of British Conservatives' fortunes between the wars, exploring how the party adapted to mass democracy after 1918.
A clear, comprehensive survey of British history from 1900 to the present, integrating political, economic, social and cultural history.
Public opinion in the United States contains a paradox. The American public is symbolically conservative: it cherishes the symbols of conservatism and is more likely to identify as conservative than as liberal. Yet at the same time, it is operationally liberal, wanting government to do and spend more to solve a variety of social problems. This book focuses on understanding this contradiction. It argues that both facets of public opinion are real and lasting, not artifacts of the survey context or isolated to particular points in time. By exploring the ideological attitudes of the American public as a whole, and the seemingly conflicted choices of individual citizens, it explains the foundations of this paradox. The keys to understanding this large-scale contradiction, and to thinking about its consequences, are found in Americans' attitudes with respect to religion and culture and in the frames in which elite actors describe policy issues.
Parry offers an analysis of the ideas that influenced the Liberal political coalition between the 1830s and 1880s.
This book situates the controversial Thatcher era in the political, social, cultural and economic history of modern Britain.
This book examines attempts by the Conservative party in the interwar years to capture the "brains" of the new electorate and create a counter-culture to what they saw as the intellectual hegemony of the Left.It is an important contribution to the political culture of Conservatism from the late 1920s to the early 1950s with a particular emphasis on the social and intellectual history of the Conservative milieu. This book modifies our understanding of the history of the Conservative party and popularConservatism but also more generally of the history of intellectual debate in Britain. It sheds new light on the history of the "middlebrow" and how that category became a weapon for the Conservatives. This book will become necessary reading both for scholars and students of modern British historyand politics and more generally for those interested in the history of Conservatism.The Bonar Law Memorial College, Ashridge, was founded in 1929 as a "College of citizenship" to provide, through both teaching and publications, political education for a student clientele who would carry the College's message to the localities. Although founded by the Conservative party, the Collegefunctioned autonomously, acting as a "think tank" avant la lettre, a nexus of economic, political and cultural debate and an adult education centre. It defined a practical ideal of expertise, between "high theory" and "folk wisdom", and constructed a self-consciously "middlebrow" model ofintellectual. After 1945, as the Conservative party sought to jettison its Baldwinian past, Ashridge lost its political anchor and moved through complex stages to being re-founded as a management training college in 1954.
This book, first published in 1986, examines the activities and beliefs of right-wing Conservatives and overt Fascists in inter-war Britain. It analyses the role that ideology played in the various struggles between leaders and dissidents within the Conservative Party, traces the development of central themes in right-wing thought and seeks to show how the complexity of these beliefs established ideological barriers to the growth of Fascism in Britain which, it is argued, was heavily reliant upon the support of disillusioned Conservatives for its limited success. The book helps to establish an overview of right-wing politics in Britain since the turn of the century.
This is a study of the social character of the British working class in the period from the 1880s to the early 1950s, when about seventy-five per cent of the population were manual workers, or their dependents. It has three central themes: the nature of working-class culture and working-class organization; the relationships between the working class and other classes; and the role of both World Wars and the state in shaping class relations. Ross McKibbin examines different aspects of British political, social, and economic history to give an integrated explanation of the development of modern British society, and the ideological assumptions on which it is based. Attitudes to work and leisure are also explored, to build a coherent picture of the ideological world of Britain's social classes.