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This edited volume examines the most pressing social and political issues confronting Israel from a multi-disciplinary perspective, focusing on the breakdown of social solidarity and the inability to formulate consensus. The contributors - encompassing political scientists, historians, communication researchers, sociologists, economists, and educators - focus on specific topics that serve as exemplary cases of various trends of consensus and polarization. These trends are examined in the context of ideological, religious, economic, national, and ethnic cleavages. In addition, this volume analyses how political actors' preference for "non-decision" on various issues has resulted in the maintenance of a status quo, with cleavages or conflicts being neither mitigated nor polarized. Together, this collection of articles paints a picture of Israel as a state racked by increasing polarization along ideological and religious lines; this difficulty in determining a consensual definition of the state, it is argued, threatens to destroy social solidarity in Israel altogether, a climate in which "the center cannot hold". The book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand the major internal threats to Israel's self-definition as a Jewish-democratic state and will also appeal to sociologists and political scientists interested in global polarization trends.
This edited volume examines the most pressing social and political issues confronting Israel from a multidisciplinary perspective, focusing on the breakdown of social solidarity and the inability to formulate consensus. The contributors – encompassing political scientists, historians, communication researchers, sociologists, economists, and educators – focus on specific topics that serve as exemplary cases of various trends of consensus and polarization. These trends are examined in the context of ideological, religious, economic, national, and ethnic cleavages. In addition, this volume analyzes how political actors’ preference for “non-decision” on various issues has resulted in the maintenance of a status quo, with cleavages or conflicts being neither mitigated nor polarized. Together, this collection of articles paints a picture of Israel as a state racked by increasing polarization along ideological and religious lines. It is argued that this difficulty in determining a consensual definition of the state threatens to destroy social solidarity in Israel altogether, a climate in which “the center cannot hold.” This book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand the major internal threats to Israel’s self-definition as a Jewish-democratic state and will also appeal to sociologists and political scientists interested in global polarization trends.
This book offers the first comprehensive history and analysis of Turkey’s relations with Israel since 1948, when the state of Israel was established, up until 2010 and places them within the wider framework of Turkey’s foreign policy. It highlights the remarkable lack of consistency in Turkey’s foreign policy towards Israel, under different Turkish governments, which has given the relationship a pervasive sense of unpredictability. Combining empirical-analytical evidence with role theory insights, as developed in Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), it explores Turkish foreign policy makers’ perceptions regarding the proper role and function of the country in the international system and the sub-system of the Middle East and how they affected the policy towards Israel. The author argues that Ankara’s ambivalent policy towards Israel for over sixty years can be explained by Turkey's multiple and often contradictory national role conceptions. The study, which draws from archival material and over fifty interviews with Turkish, Israeli, American and Arab officials and experts, places Ankara’s policy into a larger analytical framework, which helps link the past to the present and future. The book is essential reading for students and scholars interested in understanding Turkey's foreign policy in general and towards the Middle East in particular.
Political coalition formation is a global strategy employed by leaders and parties in their pursuit of power. This practice takes on particular significance in post-colonial Africa, where coalition governments have emerged as responses to challenges faced by the electoral base of liberation parties. In countries like Congo Kinshasa, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Mauritius, South Africa, and the Kingdom of Lesotho, coalition politics serves as a model for conflict resolution and democratic governance. Enhancing Democracy With Coalition Governments and Politics delves into this complex landscape, thoroughly investigating the pivotal role of coalition governments formed both before and after elections. It sheds light on the challenges posed to dominant liberation movements and the urgent need for a radical agenda to address corruption, maladministration, and the abuse of political power. The book focuses on Africa's pursuit of sound electoral democracy and democratic governance. Enhancing Democracy With Coalition Governments and Politics aims to conceptually understand coalition governments, trace their historical evolution in Africa, interrogate the triggers for coalition formation, assess their impact on electoral democracy, and explore coalition politics at both local and national levels. By providing theoretical and empirical insights, the book equips policymakers, practitioners, scholars, and researchers in the fields of Politics, Sociology, Public Administration, and Development Studies with tools to comprehend, form, manage, and sustain political coalitions as vehicles for democratic governance.
Focused on a set of overlapping international orders of regional scope present in the Middle East and North Africa, this book argues that rules and primary institutions have sanctioned the foreign behavior of the sub-system’s international actors since 1945. The author avoids recent IR trends focused on narrow case studies, instead providing a comprehensive overview of the MENA’s regional politics. The normative content and evolution of multiple international orders are examined, constituting the intra-Arab order, the Arab-Israeli order and the Arab-Iranian order, as well as the expression of the global order in regional interactions. Drawing on Area Studies and English School and constructivist IR theories, the author argues that a plurality of overlapping regional orders have coexisted since 1945, not just one as is commonly suggested in the literature. Each of these orders is integrated by different participants and has developed its own differentiated norms and institutions setting parameters on legitimate behavior. This analytical proposal helps make sense of foreign relations otherwise labeled as incoherent. The book has wide appeal, accessible both to students wishing to learn about the politics, history and sociology of the Middle East, as well as to specialists seeking original research on the functioning of the MENA’s regional orders.
Focused on three Egyptian revolutions—in 1919, 1952, and 2011—this edited book argues that each of these revolutions is a milestone which represents a meaningful turning point in modern Egyptian history. Revolutions are typically characterized by a fundamental change in political and social infrastructures as well as in the establishment of new values and norms. However, it should be noted that this may not be entirely applicable when examining the context of the three Egyptian revolutions: the 1919 revolution failed to liberate Egypt from British colonial hegemony; the 1952 revolution failed to rework the country’s social and economic systems and unify the Arab world; and the "Arab Spring" revolution of 2011 culminated in a chaotic economic and social catastrophe, thus failing to solve the young generation’s crisis. Nevertheless, by revisiting and re-defining these revolutions through diverse theoretical frameworks, the book proposes that each of them played a significant role in shaping Egypt’s political, social, and cultural identity. This book is specifically of interest for students, historians, and social scientists with a keen interest in Egyptian history and the Middle East, offering fresh perspectives and insights into these transformative moments in Egypt’s history.
This book explores the political trajectories of various countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, tracing the shifts in party systems and regime transitions along a model‐like trajectory that spans from revolutionism to authoritarianism and electoral Islamism. Adopting a comparative perspective, this book places patterns of party formation and developments in authoritarian and semi‐authoritarian systems within a historical and regional context. It argues that during distinct periods, such as the prevalence of nationalism in the 1920s pre‐independence era, the flourishing of pan‐Arabism in the 1950s, and the rise of Islamism in the 1970s, ideologies have played a pivotal role in shaping the political landscape. While secular nationalism initially wielded a significant influence on political, social, and cultural change in the MENA region, the author argues that political Islam emerged as its primary rival. Even as secular leaders in MENA guided their republics through top‐down reforms to establish a unified national ideology, many (though not all) eventually incorporated Islam to address popular demands. This book’s key contribution lies in conceptualizing Islamism as a form of dialectical ideology. This book offers an in‐depth analysis of politics, party systems, and regime transitions in the MENA region. It is poised to resonate with students and researchers in political science, history, and Middle East studies.
This book offers an in-depth analysis of the nationalist ideas and practices of Turkey’s Nationalist Action Party (MHP) from its founder, Alparslan Türkeş, to its current leader, Devlet Bahçeli. Applying both diachronic and synchronic approaches to the multidimensionality of nationalism, the book analyzes how Türkeş and Bahçeli emphasized or de-emphasized ethnic, cultural, and civic components of the party’s nationalism in response to the threats they perceived in specific historical contexts. The author draws on party documents, speeches, and interviews to examine how recurring themes in Türkeş’s and Bahçeli’s nationalist ideas and practices have evolved over half a century, between 1965 and 2015. In this way, the book provides fresh insights into the evolution and complexity of the MHP’s nationalism, thereby contributing to the theoretical understanding of nationalism’s multidimensionality. This book also highlights the political significance of the MHP in contemporary Turkey, where nationalist and right-wing politics have become increasingly influential in recent years. Spanning a number of disciplines, including political science, international relations, and Turkish studies, this book will be of interest to a broad range of scholars and students, as well as those seeking insights into the broader implications of nationalism.
This book explores non-Western approaches to foreign policy in the context of Iran in order to encourage wider consideration of non-Western scholarship in international relations. Throughout its existence IR has drawn primarily on Western thought and experience, leaving other perspectives on the periphery of discourse. As the field becomes more about contexts beyond the West, this has become a challenge for creating a truly ‘global’ field of study. Concepts like ‘national interest,’ ‘rationality’ and ‘pragmatism’ are often applied to Iran without considering what these concepts mean in the context of Iranian political identity. The aim of this book is to highlight the contemporary relevance of native Iranian and non-Western perspectives to IR analysis, returning complexity and critique to Iranian studies. To do this, the author examines four of Iran’s political encounters with the West, including its resistance to sanctions policy and negotiations surrounding its nuclear program. Ultimately, the book argues that ignoring Iranian motivations of identity has routinely resulted in missed opportunities, growing tensions and failed coercive policy. The book will prove valuable reading for students and researchers interested in international relations theory, Iranian history and Middle East studies.
This is the first comprehensive research study to analyze and explain the influence the prolonged Arab-Israeli conflict has had on Israel. It focuses on the manner in which all of the Israeli-Arab wars since 1949, including the Intifada and the Gulf War, have affected state and society in Israel. In addition, it examines the influences of other, more limited Israeli military operations. These subjects are investigated within a broad theoretical framework based on a critical analysis of the literature. The author suggests an analytic qualitative model for understanding wars and internal political order and makes significant corrections to paradigms that deal with political order and wars, from the Marxist paradigm to the liberal paradigm.