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Since the 1980s, political scientists have developed a renewed interest in the study of political institutions, based on the assumption that "institutions matter" -that is, that formal governmental institutions and constitutional-legal rules (as well as informal institutions like parties and interest groups) are crucial determinants of the shape of politics and policy outcomes. In this respect, the "new institutionalism" resembles the "old institutionalism" of pre-behaviorist days, but the crucial difference between the two is that the new institutionalists are committed to systematic empirical testing of their hypotheses, at least in principle. In practice, however, especially in compara tive analyses, this goal has often been frustrated by the lack of reliable data for a large number of countries. Researchers have therefore usually been limited to testing their hypotheses with modest data sets collected for their own particular purposes. Of all of the political institutions, the executive branch of the government is by far the most important; it can be regarded as the irreducible core of government and the principal embodiment of political authority with specific powers that are not lodged elsewhere in the political system. Almost all countries in the world, and certainly all modem democracies, have an executive body called "government", "cabinet", or "administration" (as in the term "the Clinton administration") that has the main responsibility for running the country's public affairs.
Organizing Democratic Choice offers a new, invigorating theory of how democracy actually works. It also presents a challenge to democratic pessimists who would have everyone believe that neither political parties nor mass publics are up to the tasks that democracy assigns them.
This book examines the changes in the career experiences and profiles of 350 European prime ministers in 26 European democracies from 1945 to 2020. It builds on a theoretical framework, which claims that the decline of party government along with the increase of populism, technocracy, and the presidentialization of politics have influenced the careers of prime ministers over the past 70 years. The findings show that prime ministers’ career experiences became less political and more technical. Moreover, their career profiles shifted from a traditional type of ‘party-agent’ to a new type of ‘party-principal’. These changes affected the recruitment of executive elites and their political representation in European democracies, albeit with different intensity and speed.
This truly comparative volume examines the "life cycle" of party governments in Europe from 1990 onwards, and analyses its role and function in contemporary European parliamentary democracies. The life and the performance of party governments in Europe became more and more volatile and publicly contested. In some cases, it has even challenge the democratic quality of the state. This book presents comparative analyses of party governments from formation and duration, to performance. It brings together some of the foremost scholars researching on party government to evaluate existing theories and compare both the developments in the Western and the ‘new’ Eastern Europe in an empirically-grounded comparative analysis. The book discusses the interaction between various institutions, political parties and policies, and evaluates how institutional change and party behaviour can drive the "life cycle" of party government. Party Government in the New Europe will be of interest to students and scholars of Comparative Politics, Democracy, Government and European Politics.
This major new text by two leading authorities in the field provides a state-of-the-art assessment of what we know about voting behaviour and the character, consequences and significance of elections in democratic states. It shows how patterns of electoral behaviour have evolved over time and vary in different countries.
Considering the future of European integration, this clear and compelling study explores the interplay between collective action and democracy in the European Union and its member states. Richard Balme and Didier Chabanet analyze the influence of supranational governance on democratization through a wealth of case studies on a broad range of civil society interests, including regional policy, unemployment and poverty, women's rights, migration policy, and environmental protection. The authors trace the evolving relationship between citizens and European institutions over the past decades, especially as public support for deepening and widening integration has waned. This trend culminated in a deep institutional crisis precipitated by the rejection of the draft constitutional treaty in France and the Netherlands in 2005. At least two truisms were proven wrong during this tumultuous period: that European citizens have little interest in European integration and that citizens have little influence on EU politics. However, this power shift has left citizens with a deep distrust of integration and EU institutions with limited capacities to cope with issues the public considers priorities-primarily unemployment and social inequalities. The book shows how Europe-wide interest groups formed and protesters were able to mobilize around key issues of integration. The authors convincingly argue that the growth of contentious social movements has also been nourished by the EU policy process itself, which leaves more room for interest groups and protest politics than for political parties and representative democracy. An essential primer on European democracy, this study will be invaluable for scholars and students in European politics and public policy, globalization and democracy, and comparative social movements.
This volume is a unique exploration of European political parties making the move towards government for the first time.