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Much of late-nineteenth-century American politics was parade and pageant. Voters crowded the polls, and their votes made a real difference on policy. In Party Games, Mark Wahlgren Summers tells the full story and admires much of the political carnival, but he adds a cautionary note about the dark recesses: vote-buying, election-rigging, blackguarding, news suppression, and violence. Summers also points out that hardball politics and third-party challenges helped make the parties more responsive. Ballyhoo did not replace government action. In order to maintain power, major parties not only rigged the system but also gave dissidents part of what they wanted. The persistence of a two-party system, Summers concludes, resulted from its adaptability, as well as its ruthlessness. Even the reform of political abuses was shaped to fit the needs of the real owners of the political system--the politicians themselves.
Here, Michael F. Holt gives us the only comprehensive history of the Whigs ever written. He offers a panoramic account of the tumultuous antebellum period, a time when a flurry of parties and larger-than-life politicians--Andrew Jackson, John C. Calhoun, Martin Van Buren, and Henry Clay--struggled for control as the U.S. inched towards secession. It was an era when Americans were passionately involved in politics, when local concerns drove national policy, and when momentous political events--like the Annexation of Texas and the Kansas-Nebraska Act--rocked the country. Amid this contentious political activity, the Whig Party continuously strove to unite North and South, emerging as the nation's last great hope to prevent secession.
A leading political historian of antebellum America examines the hard-fought three-way presidential race of 1848. Reveals how Martin Van Buren and his Free Soil party challenged Whigs and Democrats by making slavery a key issue--representing a harbinger of the change that was to come even though they only garnered 10 percent of the vote.
Taking our understanding of political antislavery into largely unexplored terrain, Jonathan H. Earle counters conventional wisdom and standard historical interpretations that view the ascendance of free-soil ideas within the antislavery movement as an explicit retreat from the goals of emancipation or even as an essentially proslavery ideology. These claims, he notes, fail to explain free soil's real contributions to the antislavery cause: its incorporation of Jacksonian ideas about property and political equality and its transformation of a struggling crusade into a mass political movement. Democratic free soilers' views on race occupied a wide spectrum, but they were able to fashion new and vital arguments against slavery and its expansion based on the party's long-standing commitment to egalitarianism and hostility to centralized power. Linking their antislavery stance to a land-reform agenda that pressed for free land for poor settlers in addition to land free of slavery, Free Soil Democrats forced major political realignments in New York, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Ohio. Democratic politicians such as David Wilmot, Marcus Morton, John Parker Hale, and even former president Martin Van Buren were transformed into antislavery leaders. As Earle shows, these political changes at the local, state, and national levels greatly intensified the looming sectional crisis and paved the way for the Civil War.
Was slavery really the most significant issue in American politics just before the Civil War? No, says Joel Silbey in this provocative revisionist work. Using the insights of the new political history (to which he has been a major contributor), Silbey shows how local issues, ethnic and religious attitudes, and, most important, the power and persistence of national political parties were actually the key elements animating the political life of the era. Silbey argues that ethnocultural factors and partisanship not only gave shape and substance to the period's political conflicts but also affected the coming of the Civil War in direct and crucial ways. Pointing to the fervor and seriousness with which the people of the period embraced the parties, he contends that parties both delayed and worked against the flowering and growth of sectional influences and for a long time frustrated the demands of sectional spokesmen, both North and South. These same elements, he says, also affected the way Northerners and Southerners understood each other and contributed to the growth of the Republican party as well as to the South's decision to secede from the Union. The book thus provides a very different framework for understanding one of the most critical periods in our nation's political development, a time when many long-standing customs and political institutions first took shape. Offering fresh insights into a dramatic and fascinating era, Silbey's iconoclastic perspective will both affect the way historians view the period hereafter and suggest an agenda for future research. About the Author Joel H. Silbey is Professor of American History at Cornell University. His previous books include The Shrine of Party, The Transformation of American Politics, and A Respectable Majority.
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""Colonel Higginson was a man on fire," read one obituary. "He had convictions and lived up to them in the fullest degree." The obituary added that he had "led the first negro regiment, contributed to the literature of America, and left an imprint upon history too deep to be obliterated." Thomas Wentworth Higginson would have been pleased to have been referred to as "colonel." He was proud of his military service and happily used the title for many decades after the end of the Civil War, and up to his death in May 1911 at the age of eighty-seven. Nonetheless, his time in the army was just one of many things for which he hoped to be remembered. "I never shall have a biographer, I suppose," he mused to his diary in 1881. Just in case somebody took up the challenge, however, he wished to provide a hint about his career. "If I do" find a chronicler, he wrote, "the key to my life is easily to be found in this, that what I longed for from childhood was not to be eminent in this or that way, but to lead a whole life, develop all my powers, & do well in whatever came in my way to do." It was a life marked by numerous struggles for social justice and progressive causes, from abolitionism to women's rights, from religious tolerance to socialism, and from physical fitness for both genders to temperance. Yet almost alone among his contemporaries and reform-minded friends, Higginson refused to devote himself to a single crusade. Even as a young man, he warned his mother that his "greatest intellectual difficulty has been having too many irons in the fire." Some of his colleagues disapproved of this, having dedicated all their efforts to ending slavery or advancing women's social and political rights. Then there were disputes about tactics. Some relied on the pen or the spoken word to garner support for their chosen cause. Abolitionists who followed the lead of Boston publisher William Lloyd Garrison, for example, typically declined to vote and believed that moral suasion and Christian pacifism would bring about an end to slavery. Frederick Douglass argued that violent means might be necessary to liberate four million enslaved Americans, of which he had once been one. John Brown went farther still and urged his supporters to take the fight into the contested territories of the Midwest or even the South, which the government of Abraham Lincoln effectively did in late 1862, when the War Department authorized a regiment of contraband soldiers on the Carolina coast. At one point or another, Higginson embraced all of these causes and employed all of these tactics to advance them, using the written page, his eloquent voice, his Sharps rifle, and, on one occasion, even a makeshift battering ram"--
This volume explores the political and social dimensions of the Civil War in both the North and South. Millions of Americans lived outside the major campaign zones so they experienced secondary exposure to military events through newspaper reporting and letters home from soldiers. Governors and Congressmen assumed a major role in steering the personnel decisions, strategic planning, and methods of fighting, but regular people also played roles in direct military action, as guerrilla fighters, as nurses and doctors, and as military contractors. Chapters investigate a variety of aspects of military leadership and management, including coverage of technology, discipline, finance, the environment, and health and medicine. Chapters also consider the political administration of the war, examining how antebellum disputes over issues such as emancipation and the draft resulted in a shift of partisan dynamics and the ways that people of all stripes took advantage of the flux of war to advance their own interests.