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According to conventional wisdom, the national identity of the Jordanian state was defined by the ruling Hashemite family, which has governed the country since the 1920s. But this view overlooks the significant role that the "Arab street"—in this case, ordinary Jordanians and Palestinians—played and continues to play in defining national identity in Jordan and the Fertile Crescent as a whole. Indeed, as this pathfinding study makes clear, "the street" no less than the state has been a major actor in the process of nation building in the Middle East during and after the colonial era. In this book, Betty Anderson examines the activities of the Jordanian National Movement (JNM), a collection of leftist political parties that worked to promote pan-Arab unity and oppose the continuation of a separate Jordanian state from the 1920s through the 1950s. Using primary sources including memoirs, interviews, poetry, textbooks, and newspapers, as well as archival records, she shows how the expansion of education, new jobs in the public and private sectors, changes in economic relationships, the establishment of national militaries, and the explosion of media outlets all converged to offer ordinary Jordanians and Palestinians (who were under the Jordanian government at the time) an alternative sense of national identity. Anderson convincingly demonstrates that key elements of the JNM's pan-Arab vision and goals influenced and were ultimately adopted by the Hashemite elite, even though the movement itself was politically defeated in 1957.
A fascinating look at the end of British rule in Palestine, through the eyes of its final high commissioner
Henry Gurney was the last Chief Secretary of the Mandate Government of Palestine. From mid-March to mid-May 1948, at his HQ in Jerusalem's King David Hotel, he wrote his diary under fire from Jews and Arabs alike, with both groups taking aim at the British Administration as the Mandate drew to a close and the country spiralled into violence.
"Addresses the issue of reparations for the forced eviction and displacement of Maya Achi communities in Guatemala, specifically in the context of the construction of the Pueblo Viejo-Quixal Hydroelectric Project (Chixoy Dam). Between 1980 and 1982, an estimated 440 persons of the Rió Negro community were brutally murdered in a series of massacres ... Both the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and the World Bank provided funding for and supervised the Chixoy Dam Project. The Chixoy Dam case clearly highlights the complicity of international financial institutions, including the IDB and the World Bank, in the brutal and unlawful displacement of indigenous communities from their lands in Guatemala"--Back cover.