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The Great War was the first example of a total war in history, reflected in the cultures and literatures of Europe in the shape of propaganda. What began as civic patriotism developed into a weapon of war, programmed and organized by the state to devastating effect. In almost all countries, writers of different ideological hues were ready to undertake the job of representing the war, in accordance with the state's guidance. War propaganda in the Ottoman Empire, the most anachronistic belligerent of the war according to historians, was condemned to failure. In the underdeveloped and multi-ethnic Ottoman Empire, the Ottoman-Turkish intelligentsia could not produce adequate propaganda to support the battlefronts and the home front. Why did propaganda efforts die after 1915? Can this be explained with the laziness or cosmopolitanism of the cultural agents? Or did the lack of propaganda derive from reasons that are more material?Erol Koroglu seeks to address these questions in a unique interdisciplinary assessment of Turkish literature and propaganda, interpreting literary texts written by the representative writers of the period. These interpretations follow a literary cultural history method and give an analysis of the complex interaction between literary texts and the historical context. Koroglu discusses the subjects of First World War propaganda, Turkish nationalism and national identity construction. He concludes that the unfavourable conditions in the Ottoman-Turkish cultural sphere, the literature of the years 1914-1918, even if superficially full of propaganda aims, was essentially the continuation of a project to build a national culture, inherited from the pre-war years and never completed. Turkish literature therefore did not reflect powerful propaganda, but was more a difficult attempt to create 'national identity'.
Dedication -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. Bosnia: Geography and Society -- Chapter 2. The First Stage of the Rebellion Period, 1826-1831 -- Chapter 3. The Second Stage of The Rebellion Period, 1831-1836 -- Chapter 4. Rebels -- Chapter 5. Leadership -- Chapter 6. Conclusion -- Appendices -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.
The modern nation-state of Turkey was established in 1923, but when and how did its citizens begin to identify themselves as Turks? Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Turkey's founding president, is almost universally credited with creating a Turkish national identity through his revolutionary program to "secularize" the former heartland of the Ottoman Empire. Yet, despite Turkey's status as the lone secular state in the Muslim Middle East, religion remains a powerful force in Turkish society, and the country today is governed by a democratically elected political party with a distinctly religious (Islamist) orientation. In this history, Gavin D. Brockett takes a fresh look at the formation of Turkish national identity, focusing on the relationship between Islam and nationalism and the process through which a "religious national identity" emerged. Challenging the orthodoxy that Atatürk and the political elite imposed a sense of national identity from the top down, Brockett examines the social and political debates in provincial newspapers from around the country. He shows that the unprecedented expansion of print media in Turkey between 1945 and 1954, which followed the end of strict, single-party authoritarian government, created a forum in which ordinary people could inject popular religious identities into the new Turkish nationalism. Brockett makes a convincing case that it was this fruitful negotiation between secular nationalism and Islam—rather than the imposition of secularism alone—that created the modern Turkish national identity.
In this book, Umut Uzer examines the ideological evolution and transformation of Turkish nationalism from its early precursors to its contemporary protagonists. Turkish nationalism erupted onto the world stage in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as Greeks, Armenians, and other minority groups within the Ottoman Empire began to seek independence. Partly in response to the rising nationalist voices of these groups, Turkish intellectuals began propagating Turkish nationalism through academic as well as popular books, and later associations published semipropagandist journals with the support of the Unionist and Kemalist governments. While predominantly a textual analysis of the primary sources written by the nationalists, this volume takes into account how political developments influenced Turkish nationalism and also tackles the question of how an ideology that began as a revolutionary, progressive, forward-looking ideal eventually transformed into one that is conservative, patriarchal, and nostalgic to the Ottoman and Islamic past. Between Islamic and Turkish Identity is the first book in any language to comprehensively analyze Turkish nationalism with such scope and engagement with primary sources; it aims to dissect the phenomenon in all its manifestations.
"This book examines the social and political origins of beleaguered and wistful expressions of nostalgia about the Ottoman Empire for various groups in the region. Rather than focus on how Ottomanism evolved, the book examines how social and political memories of the Ottoman past have been transformed in Turkish society along with reactions from the outside world. This Ottoman past, as remembered now, is grounded in contemporary conservative Islamic values. Thus, the connection between memories of the Ottoman past and these values defines Turkey's new identity. This new expression of memory portrays Turkey as a victim of the major powers, justifying its position against its imagined internal and external enemies. This book explores why Turkish society has selectively brought the Ottoman Empire back into the public mindset and for what purpose. The book traces how memory of the Ottoman period has changed in Turkish literature, mainstream history books and other cultural products from the 1940s to the 21st century. A key aspect of Turkish literature is its criticism of the Jacobin modernization of Turkey matched by its return to the Ottoman past to articulate an alternative political language. This book responds to several interrelated questions: What is neo-Ottomanism, in general, and what is the significance of various terms using Ottoman as a variant and for what purpose do they serve? Who constructed the term and for what purpose? What are the social and political origins of the current nostalgia for the Ottoman past?"--
Identity and Identity Formation in the Ottoman World is a collection of articles authored by the students and colleagues of Norman Itzkowitz. The contributors include Engin Deniz Akarlý, Karl K. Barbir, Cornell H. Fleischer, Jane Hathaway, Cemal Kafadar, Ý. Metin Kunt, Rudi Paul Lindner, Heath W. Lowry, Scott Redford, Vamýk D. Volkan, and others. Norman Itzkowitz was professor of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University until his retirement in 2001. Itzkowitz published more than a dozen books in three languages focusing on Ottoman history and psychobiography. In recognition of his exceptional contributions to the education and training of his students in Middle East and Ottoman studies, Itzkowitz received the Middle East Studies Association Mentoring Award in 2007.
Patterns of Nationhood and Saving the State in Turkey tackles a theoretical puzzle in understanding the state policy changes toward minorities and nationhood, first by placing the state in the historical context of the international system and second by unpacking the state through analysis of intra-elite competition in relation to the counter-discourses by minority groups within the context of the Ottoman Empire and Turkey. What explains the persistence and change in state policies toward minorities and nationhood? Under what conditions do states change their policies toward minorities? Why do the state elites reconsider the state-minority relations and change government policies toward nationhood? Adopting a comparative-historical analysis, the book unpacks these research questions and builds a theoretical framework by looking at three paradigmatic policy changes: Ottomanism in the mid-19th century, Turkish nationalism in the early 1920s, and multiculturalism in Turkey in the early 2000s. While the book reveals the role of international context, intrastate elite competition, and non-state actors in such policy changes, it argues that state elites adopt either exclusionary or inclusionary policies based on the idea of "survival of the state." The book is primarily an important contribution to studies in ethnicity and nationalism. It is also an essential resource for students and scholars interested in Comparative Politics, Middle East Studies, the Ottoman Empire, and Turkey.
*Includes pictures *Includes a bibliography for further reading In August 2017, Turkey's President Recip Tayyip Erdogan gave a directive to the Foreign Ministry to go into ravaged Syria and rescue an 87-year-old Turkish man stranded in Damascus by the civil war. The elderly gentleman lived his life simply and quietly. He disliked drawing attention to himself, and he was grieving for his wife who had just died. The man called himself Dundar Abdulkerim Osmanoglu, but many affixed the title Sehzade ("Prince") to his name, for he was Head of the imperial House of Osman and heir to the defunct throne of the Ottoman Empire. His ancestors had created an Empire that had lasted for over 600 years and caused the greatest rulers of both the Muslim East and the Christian West to tremble. Osmanoglu was the great grandson of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (1841-1918), who was notable for introducing constitutional government to the Ottoman Empire. He had been brought reluctantly to this act by a revolution guided by a group of political activists known as the Young Turks. They believed they could save the dying Ottoman state by instituting reforms that would transform the empire into a secular constitutional state on par with the Great Powers of Europe. They also believed that the path to such a change lay with Turkish nationalism rather than imperialism. Abdu Hamid did not share that vision, so he was eventually deposed. Erdogan is the political heir of the Young Turks. Turkey developed into a secular and seemingly Western state, a member of the NATO alliance and an aspirant for membership in the European Union, but Erdogan seems to be reaching back to the imperial past, and he appeals more to the authoritarianism of Abdul Hamid II than the liberalism of the Young Turks. Similarly, Erdogan's Justice and Development Party opposes the secularism that has dominated Turkish national life for almost 100 years. Dundar Ali has never expressed any desire to return to the throne of his ancestors - in fact, he did not wish to leave Damascus, where he had been born and where he worked. It is ironic then, that a great-grandson of the revolution has reached out to the great-grandson of the enemy of the revolution and embraced his legacy as his own. Dundar Ali now lives in Istanbul, the former imperial capital once known internationally as Constantinople. Interest in the former imperial family and the legacy of the Ottoman Empire is increasing within Turkey, encouraged by Erdogan, and there now seems to be a rivalry growing between secularists and Ottomanists, not unlike that which arose between the Young Turks and the Ottomanists in the 19th century. The empire's inclusiveness, which marked it as a direct successor of the Byzantine Empire, was most certainly challenged by an aging leadership, and the Ottoman Empire's inability to create a shared identity, a weak central state, and growing inner dissensions were some of the main factors explaining its long demise. Such a failure also explains the need for the creation of a new form of identity, which was ultimately provided by Mustafa Kemal, the founding father of modern Turkey, a firm critic of the Young Turks. As this all suggests, the story of the Young Turks and the last years of the Ottoman Sultanate is a complex and interesting one. It is the history of a state struggling to survive against seemingly impossible odds, featuring a long battle for the minds and souls of the inhabitants of a declining empire between nationalism and liberal imperialism. It is a struggle that has produced not only modern Turkey but several states in the Balkans and the Middle East as they exist today. The Young Turks were triumphant, but in many ways it was a Pyrrhic victory, because this triumph led to the further disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and its final collapse when they disastrously plunged the empire into the First World War.