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How can we help poor people earn more from their knowledge rather than from their sweat and muscle alone? This book is about increasing the earnings of poor people in poor countries from their innovation, knowledge, and creative skills. Case studies look at the African music industry; traditional crafts and ways to prevent counterfeit crafts designs; the activities of fair trade organizations; biopiracy and the commercialization of ethnobotanical knowledge; the use of intellectual property laws and other tools to protect traditional knowledge. The contributors' motivation is sometimes to maintain the art and culture of poor people, but they recognize that except in a museum setting, no traditional skill can live on unless it has a viable market. Culture and commerce more often complement than conflict in the cases reviewed here. The book calls attention to the unwritten half of the World Trade Organization's Agreement on the Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPS). TRIPS is about knowledge that industrial countries own, and which poor people buy. This book is about knowledge that poor people in poor countries generate and have to sell. It will be of interest to students and scholars of international trade and law, and to anyone with an interest in ways developing countries can find markets for cultural, intellectual, and traditional knowledge.
This book carries out a comparative analysis of the power struggles over the post-neoliberal social security reforms in Venezuela and Ecuador. The research breaks down why the social security system reform initiated by Hugo Chávez’ government in Venezuela has come down since its passing in 2002, whereas the social security system reform initiated by Rafael Correa’s government in Ecuador has come along in spite of the obstacles since 2007. All in all, the analysis determined that the struggles over the social security system reforms in both countries remarkably corresponded to each other with regard to their structural conditions, points of contention, and contending actors. In contrast, the analysis established substantial divergences regarding the ways in which the struggles over both reforms came about, due to the divergent development of the struggles for hegemony between government and opposition. These divergences finally brought about the indefinite stagnation of the reform in Venezuela and the advancement of subsequent partial reforms aimed at the universalization of social security in Ecuador.
Venezuela's Hugo Chavez was the first anti-neoliberal presidential candidate to win in the region. Electing Chavez examines the circumstances that facilitated this pivotal election. By 1998, Venezuela had been rocked by two major scandals-the exchange rate incidents of the 1980s and the banking crisis of 1994-and had suffered rising social inequality. These events created a deep-seated distrust of establishment politicians. Chavez's 1998 victory, however, was far from inevitable. Other presidential candidates also stood against corruption and promised a clean break from politics as usual. Moreover, business opposition to Chavez's anti-neoliberal candidacy should have convinced voters that his victory would provoke a downward economic spiral. In Electing Chavez, Leslie C. Gates examines how Chavez won over voters and even obtained the secret allegiance of a group of business "elite outliers," with a reinterpretation of the relationship between business and the state during Venezuela's era of two-party dominance (1959-1998). Through extensive research on corruption and the backgrounds of political leaders, Gates tracks the rise of business-related corruption scandals and documents how business became identified with Venezuela's political establishment. These trends undermined the public's trust in business and converted business opposition into an asset for Chavez. This long history of business-tied politicians and the scandals they often provoked also framed the decisions of elite outliers. As Gates reveals, elite outliers supported Chavez despite his anti-neoliberal stance because they feared that the success of Chavez's main rival would deny them access to Venezuela's powerful oil state.