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This dissertation examines the impact of nostalgia on the political development of the Labour Party between 1951 and 1983. In particular, it looks at the way that nostalgia for a heroic male traditional industrial working class shaped the party's trajectory in these years. New Labour argued that Old Labour was nostalgic but the nature and function of that nostalgia was poorly conceptualised. More generally, the political significance of nostalgia has hitherto been neglected and undervalued by Labour Party historians. I suggest that the idea of the 'nostalgia-identity' - the way in which nostalgia shapes identity and, simultaneously, identity shapes nostalgic memory - offers a useful theoretical lens through which to analyse the history of the Labour Party. In contrast to traditional narratives concerning the political development of the party, I argue that the intraparty conflict over Hugh Gaitskell's attempt to revise Clause IV of the party constitution between 1959 and 1960 should be seen less as a battle over ideology and policy and more as a dispute over the party's nostalgia-identity. I suggest that nostalgia dictated the Labour Party's response to Harold Wilson's modernising 'White Heat' policies between 1963 and 1970 and shaped the parameters within which these policies could be pursued. Nostalgia influenced both the political development and the form of Labour's Alternative Economic Strategy between 1970 and 1983 to such an extent that the strategy itself gained restorative nostalgic dimensions. I conclude that, in a number of ways, nostalgia fundamentally shaped the political development of the Labour Party between 1951 and 1983.
This book examines the impact that nostalgia has had on the Labour Party’s political development since 1951. It argues that nostalgia has defined Labour’s identity and determined the party’s trajectory. Nostalgia has hindered policy discussion, determined the form and parameters of party modernisation, shaped internal conflict and cohesion and made it difficult for the party to adjust to socioeconomic changes. It has frequently left the party out of touch with the modern world. In this way, this study offers an assessment of Labour’s failures to adapt to the changing nature of post-war Britain and will be of interest to both students and academics and to those with a more general interest in Labour’s history and politics.
As much as any country, England bore the brunt of Germany's aggression in World War II, and was ravaged in many ways at the war's end. Celebrated historian David Kynaston has written an utterly original, and compellingly readable, account of the following six years, during which the country rebuilt itself. Kynaston's great genius is to chronicle the country's experience from bottom to top: coursing through through the book, therefore, is an astonishing variety of ordinary, contemporary voices, eloquently and passionately evincing the country's remarkable spirit. Judy Haines, a Chingford housewife, gamely endures the tribulations of rationing; Mary King, a retired schoolteacher in Birmingham, observes how well-fed the Queen looks during a royal visit; Henry St. John, a persnickety civil servant in Bristol, is oblivious to anyone's troubles but his own. Together they present a portrait of an indomitable people and Kynaston skillfully links their stories to bigger events thought the country. Their stories also jostle alongside those of more well-known figures like celebrated journalist-to-be John Arlott (making his first radio broadcast), Glenda Jackson, and Doris Lessing, newly arrived from Africa and struck by the leveling poverty of post-war Britain. Kynaston deftly weaves into his story a sophisticated narrative of how the 1945 Labour government shaped the political, economic, and social landscape for the next three decades.
A radical reading of British Conservatives' fortunes between the wars, exploring how the party adapted to mass democracy after 1918.
The first book in the groundbreaking series Tales of a New Jerusalem, A World to Build transports us effortlessly back to 1945. Through this candid collection of contemporary voices, the country s post-war social history is unveiled; no supermarkets, no teabags, capital punishment, levelling poverty. Meet Judy Haines, a Chingford housewife, struggling daily with food rationing; Henry St. John, a self-serving civil servant in Bristol; Doris Lessing, newly arrived from Africa to a country pre-multiculturalism. David Kynaston expertly weaves the histories of ordinary people and well-known figures alongside Britain's changing political and economic landscape, delivering a deeply researched and intensely readable account.
Finalist for the Pulitzer Prize • Winner of the Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award • One of the New York Times' Ten Best Books of the Year “Impressive . . . Mr. Judt writes with enormous authority.” —The Wall Street Journal “Magisterial . . . It is, without a doubt, the most comprehensive, authoritative, and yes, readable postwar history.” —The Boston Globe Almost a decade in the making, this much-anticipated grand history of postwar Europe from one of the world's most esteemed historians and intellectuals is a singular achievement. Postwar is the first modern history that covers all of Europe, both east and west, drawing on research in six languages to sweep readers through thirty-four nations and sixty years of political and cultural change-all in one integrated, enthralling narrative. Both intellectually ambitious and compelling to read, thrilling in its scope and delightful in its small details, Postwar is a rare joy. Judt's book, Ill Fares the Land, republished in 2021 featuring a new preface by bestselling author of Between the World and Me and The Water Dancer, Ta-Nehisi Coates.
A fascinating new account of Britain's uneasy relationship with the European continent since the end of the Second World War, set against the backdrop of decolonization, the Cold War and the Anglo-American relationship. Benjamin Grob-Fitzgibbon charts Britain's evolution from an island of imperial Europeans to one of post-imperial Eurosceptics.
'I'm not a woman. I'm a Conservative.' Edwina Currie's startling claim is in sharp contrast with another Tory woman's view: she too was a Thatcher supporter but precisely because 'women are stronger than men and have a different approach'. The voices of 'iron ladies' like these ring out everywhere, trenchant, anxious, determined, dutiful. The issues that concern them - sex and morality, law and order, defence, education, the family - are widely thought to unite them. Yet is there a representative Tory women's view? Tracing back to the first women active in party politics, Beatrix Campbell describes how the female members of the Primrose League, established in 1883, canvassed and campaigned so vigorously for their men that they were often thought 'unwomanly'. And through the inter-war years to the present day they've continued to work tirelessly for a party at once dependent on their dedication and support yet resistant to their asserting a clear agenda for themselves within it. Theirs is a state of responsibility without power. It is this issue which lies at the heart of Beatrix Campbell's exploration of Tory Party women - living under a politics of paternalism which appears to give women and their concerns a central place but denies them the possibility of real change.
Looking at decolonization in the conditional tense, this volume teases out the complex and uncertain ends of British and French empire in Africa during the period of ‘late colonial shift’ after 1945. Rather than view decolonization as an inevitable process, the contributors together explore the crucial historical moments in which change was negotiated, compromises were made, and debates were staged. Three core themes guide the analysis: development, contingency and entanglement. The chapters consider the ways in which decolonization was governed and moderated by concerns about development and profit. A complementary focus on contingency allows deeper consideration of how colonial powers planned for ‘colonial futures’, and how divergent voices greeted the end of empire. Thinking about entanglements likewise stresses both the connections that existed between the British and French empires in Africa, and those that endured beyond the formal transfer of power.
Homage to Catalonia is George Orwell's personal account of his experiences and observations fighting for the POUM militia of the Republican army during the Spanish Civil War. The war was one of the defining events of his political outlook and a significant part of what led him to write in 1946, "Every line of serious work that I have written since 1936 has been written, directly or indirectly, against totalitarianism and for Democratic Socialism, as I understand it." The first edition was published in the United Kingdom in 1938. The book was not published in the United States until February 1952, when it appeared with an influential preface by Lionel Trilling. The only translation published in Orwell's lifetime was into Italian, in December 1948. A French translation by Yvonne Davet-with whom Orwell corresponded, commenting on her translation and providing explanatory notes-in 1938-39, was not published until five years after Orwell's death. Book Summary: Orwell served as a private, a corporal (cabo) and-when the informal command structure of the militia gave way to a conventional hierarchy in May 1937-as a lieutenant, on a provisional basis, in Catalonia and Aragon from December 1936 until June 1937. In June 1937, the leftist political party with whose militia he served (the POUM, the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification, an anti-Stalinist communist party) was declared an illegal organisation, and Orwell was consequently forced to flee. Having arrived in Barcelona on 26 December 1936, Orwell told John McNair, the Independent Labour Party's (ILP) representative there, that he had "come to Spain to join the militia to fight against Fascism." He also told McNair that "he would like to write about the situation and endeavour to stir working class opinion in Britain and France." McNair took him to the POUM barracks, where Orwell immediately enlisted. "Orwell did not know that two months before he arrived in Spain, the [Soviet law enforcement agency] NKVD's resident in Spain, Aleksandr Orlov, had assured NKVD Headquarters, 'the Trotskyist organisation POUM can easily be liquidated'-by those, the Communists, whom Orwell took to be allies in the fight against Franco."