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Supply-Side Follies is a progressive political and economic challenge to the current George W. Bush policies. It debunks commonly held assumptions of conservative economic policies centered on the obsession that tax cuts led to greater productivity and prosperity. These fundamentally flawed policies are setting the United States up for a major economic downturn in the near future. The 21st century knowledge economy requires a fundamentally different approach to boosting growth than simply cutting taxes on the richest investors. The alternative is not, however, to resurrect old Keynesian, populist economics as too many Democrats hope to do. Rather, as Rob Atkinson makes clear, our long-term national welfare and prosperity depends on new economic strategy that fits the realities of the 21st century global, knowledge-based economy: innovation-based growth economics.
Foundations of Supply-Side Economics: Theory and Evidence is composed of a series of papers containing both theoretical and empirical analyses of a set of issues in government fiscal policy. The type of analysis employed in the book is standard neoclassical economics, and this analysis is used to study the macroeconomic incentive effects of taxation. The book contains contributions that cover the analysis of the effects of taxes imposed purely for generating revenues; the process of capital formation; and an attempt to integrate supply-side analysis into a traditional macroeconomic framework. Reports on the empirical evidence on taxation and economic activity and the estimation of a small macroeconomic model of the United States for the postwar period; description of a method of calculating effective marginal tax rates on factor incomes using available U.S. data; and the estimation of the effect of fiscal policy on private investment in plant and equipment are presented as well. Economists will find the book highly insightful.
The history we can't afford to forget. At last, the definitive history of supply-side economics—an incredibly timely work that reveals the foundations of America's prosperity when those very foundations are under attack. In the riveting, groundbreaking book Econoclasts, historian Brian Domitrovic tells the remarkable story of the economists, journalists, Washington staffers, and (ultimately) politicians who showed America how to get out of the 1970s stagflation and ushered in an unprecedented quarter-century run of growth and opportunity. Based on the author's years of archival research, Econoclasts is a masterful narrative history in the tradition of Amity Shlaes's The Forgotten Man and John Steele Gordon's An Empire of Wealth.
For years, America has been plagued by slow economic growth and increasing inequality. In The Captured Economy, Brink Lindsey and Steven M. Teles identify a common factor behind these twin ills: breakdowns in democratic governance that allow wealthy special interests to capture the policymaking process for their own benefit. They document the proliferation of regressive regulations that redistribute wealth and income up the economic scale while stifling entrepreneurship and innovation. They also detail the most important cases of regulatory barriers that have worked to shield the powerful from the rigors of competition, thereby inflating their incomes: subsidies for the financial sector's excessive risk taking, overprotection of copyrights and patents, favoritism toward incumbent businesses through occupational licensing schemes, and the NIMBY-led escalation of land use controls that drive up rents for everyone else. An original and counterintuitive interpretation of the forces driving inequality and stagnation, The Captured Economy will be necessary reading for anyone concerned about America's mounting economic problems and how to improve the social tensions they are sparking.
"WE CAN'T TAX AND SPEND OUR WAY BACK TO THE GOOD TIMES." -- Arthur B. Laffer and Stephen Moore When Arthur B. Laffer spearheaded the theory of supply-side economics and became a member of President Reagan's Economic Policy Advisory Board, he took his place as an economic icon. More recently, he joined with Stephen Moore and Peter J. Tanous to write The End of Prosperity -- a clarion call delineating what is wrong with current political approaches to America's present economic challenges. Steve Forbes himself described The End of Prosperity as "brilliantly insightful," saying "READ IT -- AND ACT!" Now Arthur Laffer and Stephen Moore follow the rousing success of The End of Prosperity with a book even more vital to America and Americans, delivering a plan that shows how our country can regain its lost prosperity. With the economy flat on its back, unemployment at a twenty-five-year high, and the housing default crisis still worsening, is this even possible? But America can once again become the land of economic opportunity, and this brilliant new book tells us exactly how. While President George W. Bush and President Barack Obama may hail from different parties, their response to the crisis has been strikingly similar. The Bush-Obama plan is a failure that has produced nothing except a cascade of trillions of dollars of debt. Is the situation hopeless? No, say Arthur Laffer and Stephen Moore resoundingly, the situation is not hopeless. A return to prosperity is still entirely possible...if the correct strategies are followed. In The End of Prosperity, the authors primarily discussed how lower taxes are essential to economic growth. Now, in Return to Prosperity, they detail the other essential components: putting government at all levels on a low-fat diet; emphasizing debt reduction and retirement; and bringing back the investor class in America, where every American can "own a piece of the rock." In a time where most of the proposed solutions are fraught with peril, the argument provides a refreshing counterbalance. The Return to Prosperity is a prescription that gives America the fundamental tools it needs in order to set about recovery. This book is an urgently needed road map to renewed prosperity, and it is vital reading for anyone who worries that the current economy is faltering, with no clear plan articulated for recovery.
NATIONAL BESTSELLER What would actually make America great: more people. If the most challenging crisis in living memory has shown us anything, it’s that America has lost the will and the means to lead. We can’t compete with the huge population clusters of the global marketplace by keeping our population static or letting it diminish, or with our crumbling transit and unaffordable housing. The winner in the future world is going to have more—more ideas, more ambition, more utilization of resources, more people. Exactly how many Americans do we need to win? According to Matthew Yglesias, one billion. From one of our foremost policy writers, One Billion Americans is the provocative yet logical argument that if we aren’t moving forward, we’re losing. Vox founder Yglesias invites us to think bigger, while taking the problems of decline seriously. What really contributes to national prosperity should not be controversial: supporting parents and children, welcoming immigrants and their contributions, and exploring creative policies that support growth—like more housing, better transportation, improved education, revitalized welfare, and climate change mitigation. Drawing on examples and solutions from around the world, Yglesias shows not only that we can do this, but why we must. Making the case for massive population growth with analytic rigor and imagination, One Billion Americans issues a radical but undeniable challenge: Why not do it all, and stay on top forever?
This is the story of a revolution in economic policy from its origin in Congressman Jack Kemp's office in the summer of 1975 through the first thirty months of the Reagan Administration.
As a domestic policy advisor to Ronald Reagan, Bruce Bartlett was one of the originators of Reaganomics, the supply-side economic theory that conservatives have clung to for decades. In The New American Economy, Bartlett goes back to the economic roots that made Impostor a bestseller and abandons the conservative dogma in favor of a policy strongly based on what's worked in the past. Marshalling compelling history and economics, he explains how economic theories that may be perfectly valid at one moment in time under one set of circumstances tend to lose validity over time because they are misapplied under different circumstances. Bartlett makes a compelling, historically-based case for large tax increases, once anathema to him and his economic allies. In The New American Economy, Bartlett seeks to clarify a compelling and way forward for the American economy.
There is an economics that works, that rescued the nation from the depths of the Great Depression, that organized the mobilization of World War II, that executed a successful transition from war to peace, that built the peace into prosperity, that explained the instability and decline, and that predicted the Great Financial Crisis. This economics was abandoned, partly for the benefit of a corporate oligarchy which now controls public policy. This economics now points the way out of stagnation and uncertainty, and it embraces the challenges of world poverty and global climate change. This is the economics of John Maynard Keynes and the new Deal. Demand Side Economics draws the history and explains the thinking of nine great economists. This is a cogent treatment of complex events and concepts that will lead the reader to an understanding of what happened and why. The policy answers it projects are 180 degrees from the austerity, small government and bail-outs for the few that is the current path. Massive private debt has conspired with an orthodox economics that literally ignores that debt to put the world in a financial vise. Public policy is controlled by those who must save an architecture that cannot be saved. Markets have become casinos, with chips provided by central banks, whose players keep the winnings, but shift any losses onto the taxpayer. The foundations of sturdy, stable growth are ignored or abandoned to the detriment of all. Public goods, the Commons, the long-term survival of the planet, and the needs of the world's poor are not costs which must be minimized, but opportunities to create value and organize recovery. It is ignoring the great challenges that is truly unaffordable History, theory, evidence, presented clearly for the reader's own conclusions. We present John Maynard Keynes, the godfather of macoeconomics and Demand Side economics; Leon Keyserling, representing the New Deal and the successful transition from war to prosperity under Harry Truman John Kenneth Galbraith, with his unapologetic look at the character of affluence and the rise of the corporation; Hyman Minsky, exploring his financial instability hypothesis, the main line of Keynes into Finance; Joseph Stiglitz, looking at the cruel hoax of free market capitalism foisted on the developing world; James K. Galbraith, bringing insight into the capture of government by the corporation; George Soros, explaining how markets really work; Steve Keen, developing Minsky and Keynes into compelling economic models that actually predict real outcomes; Nouriel Roubini, taking apart the European debt and banking crisis, and presaging the trouble to come. The book suggest that central bankers do not understand how money is created. Market-first economists imagine an economy that does not exist. General equilibrium forecasters propose an invisible hand that does not exist. Elaborate mathematical expressions of the workings of the economy - "models" - present an elegant description, but of an entirely hypo¬thetical world. Whole schools of economic thought, scores of careers, thousands of academic papers and texts have been built on patently false assumptions. Models commonly used to predict, even in the aftermath of a financial crisis born in the banking system, do not include a banking sector. Massive private debt is ignored, while at the same time the public sector - government - is excoriated for somehow slipping back through time to be the cause of the financial crisis. Jobs, physical and social infrastructure, and preparation for a looming climate crisis are all deemed too expensive to buy directly. This is exactly wrong. The first error of orthodox economics is that the economy is constrained by resources. It is constrained by demand. Direct spending on these critical needs is the route out of this Second Depression. Substantial, disciplined, public demand can right the economy for all sectors, and for our collective future.